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25. Women at the Millennium

The late 20th century marked a pivotal period for gender dynamics in the United States. While the 1980s saw a conservative pushback against feminism, Title IX reshaped opportunities for women in sports, fostering leadership despite lingering biases. The era brought progress for women in high-ranking government positions, including Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s appointment to the Supreme Court and Madeleine Albright’s service as the first female Secretary of State. Ginsburg’s record of cases exemplified the fight for gender equality through legal reform. Women also gained visibility in health and LGBTQ+ advocacy during the AIDS epidemic. They also broke barriers in the military and sports. Intersectional feminism gained prominence through organizations like SisterSong, reframing reproductive justice and pushing for inclusivity. The early decades of the 21st century represented a transformative and complex time of progress, resistance, and ongoing struggles for equity.

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

The Silent Scream (1984 film), Public Domain

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Remedial Herstory Project Editors. "25. WOMEN AT THE MILLENNIUM." The Remedial Herstory Project. November 1, 2025. www.remedialherstory.com.

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Conservative Opposition

Many people, women included, opposed abortion. In 1980, at the end of an era of massive change related to civil and human rights enhancements, social shifts gave rise to conservative opposition.

 

That year anti-abortion activists released Silent Scream, a 28-minute propaganda film, using ultrasound imaging to persuade viewers of the brutality of abortion. An authoritative male narrator claims that "The child," a word chosen to evoke emotion and convey the humanity of the fetus, "senses aggression in its sanctuary" and 

“flees from the abortionist’s tools in a "pathetic attempt to escape." The image is grainy, but it shows a fetus’s mouth in what the narrator claims it is a "silent scream." This video was altered in a way to support the narrative that abortion was murder. 

 

The video editors adjusted the speed to make it appear that the fetus was thrashing about in pain. Doctors who viewed the film claimed it was deceptive. The editors also showed images of an almost full-term baby but claimed it was only 12-weeks old. In reality at 12-weeks old, the mother would not be noticeably pregnant, the fetus would be less than 2 inches long, and the fetus would only just recently have begun to resemble a human form. 

 

Silent Scream was weaponized for political means. Reverend Jerry Falwell, a Baptist televangelist and conservative activist who founded the political organization known as the Moral Majority, stated that this film “may win the battle for us." The newly elected Republican President, Ronald Reagan hoped every member of Congress would view it, calling the last decade of reproductive freedom a “tragedy." Anti-abortion groups had copies mailed to every Congress member to persuade them to vote against abortion or in favor of restrictions. 

 

Over the decades, individual states attempted to limit access to abortion by placing restrictions on the procedure. The 1992 case, Planned Parenthood v. Casey represents the culmination of some of these efforts. Though the US Supreme Court’s ruling in the case affirmed the right to abortion, it introduced the “undue burden” standard, which gave states leeway in developing barriers to abortion access. Barriers such as the Hyde Amendment, which prevented poor, low income, rural women, and women of color from accessing safe, legal abortions, proliferated as a result.

 

Conservatives consistently and effectively pushed a narrative that abortion was dangerous, that women regretted the decision to have the procedure, and that abortion was murder. These points did not hold up against empirical, scientific studies, which consistently showed that women felt relief, not regret or depression after having an abortion. They also showed that most Americans did not view abortion as murder. In fact, in 1983, only 16 percent of Americans thought abortion should be illegal. 

 

Other studies showed that Americans most supported abortion when the mother’s life or health was in danger and were less favorable of abortions when the woman “wasn’t ready” or didn’t want more children. In a 1996 Gallup Poll survey, 38% of Americans viewed abortion as murder and 10% viewed it as murder but “not as bad as killing a person already born.” With all this polling the wording of the question deeply mattered to results. An analyst from Gallup explained, “Asked about the morality of abortion in general, Americans are evenly divided: 42% told Gallup in a May 2001 survey that abortion is morally acceptable while 45% answered that it is morally wrong. Asked whether abortion is murder, slightly differently worded questions have produced slightly different rates of agreement, ranging between 45% and 57%. Questions that ask whether abortion is an "act of murder" tend to produce answers that are slightly lower than those that simply ask whether abortion is murder.”

 

Hidden beneath all these opinions were assumptions about gender. Women were supposed to love and sacrifice themselves for their children. They were also supposed to want children. The notion that some women might not wish to become mothers was counter to social expectations. Of course, many women in history never became mothers, but those women were often ostracized, ridiculed, and condemned as “spinsters” or “witches.” 
 

The most important question to ask regarding abortion, is whether women should have the right to get medical advice from their doctors that could improve their health, even if it meant terminating a pregnancy. And, do the unborn have rights the state should protect at the expense of the mother’s rights to her body? 

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

Pro-choice and anti-abortion demonstrators, Washington DC, April 26, 1989, Public Domain

Women in the Reagan Era

The 1980s witnessed a significant resistance to the gains and new challenges brought by feminism. Conservative, anti-feminist women attacked feminism while carving out careers and names for themselves. Figures like Phyllis Schlafly and Beverly LaHaye gained power by telling women to stay home. Schlafly’s fierce opposition to the Equal Rights Amendment, ERA, and to women’s rights in general, along with her savvy political maneuvering, helped to defeat ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment. Schlafly drew on old fears that the ERA was stripping women of her special, protected place in the law leaving her subject to exploitation and without legal protection. It was an old argument.  An argument that gender protections in the law (limited hours, limited professions, child support) offered women more than full equality.  The ERA went down to defeat. Without the ERA, progress toward women’s legal equality depended to a great extent on the rulings of the US Supreme Court decisions.  Rather than sweeping all discriminating laws away with an equal rights amendment, now women would have to challenge each law individually.

 

In 1981, President Regan appointed Sandra Day O’Connor as the first woman to serve on the Supreme Court. A centrist Republican, O’Conor sometimes pursued issues specific to women. For example, she helped repeal a 1913 Arizona statute prohibiting women from working more than eight hours a day on the theory that women should have an equal opportunity to pursue a living wage.

 

Conservative politicians, including Ronald Reagan, opposed abortion. They also promoted what Reagan called trickle down economics, in which tax breaks for the wealthy contribute to economic benefits for working people. Unfortunately, economic benefits never trickled down far enough to reach the people they were supposed to help. For women, this meant that tax breaks which would have helped poor mothers and children, access to vital healthcare, and other issues important to women remained elusive.

 

One of the main targets of this conservative approach to government spending was the “welfare mother,” or “welfare queen.” The image of the "welfare queen" popularized by President Reagan was typically a Black woman collecting welfare checks to feed her many children. She was portrayed as idle, relying on taxpayers' money instead of holding down a job. She was said to have given birth to many children to  collect more benefits and “game the system.”Many consider this a coded message that subtly taps into racial fears and hides unconscious racism.

 

In his speeches,  Reagan never mentioned a specific woman, but he used the term to promote his economic agenda and decrease government spending. Reagan was actually describing a real woman: Linda Taylor. Taylor actually did cheat the government out of a large sum of money. She also married many men at the same time. Taylor used a total of 33 known fake names, and she employed many wigs to aid her expert disguises. The trope of the welfare queen contributed to racial stereotypes that already existed in society. To the conservative right, Linda Taylor represented everything that was wrong with government programs. Conservatives believed that  programs created by the civil rights and feminist movements had astronomically high fraud rates. 

 

First Lady Nancy Reagan, a powerful and influential woman, embodied the conservative, anti-feminist backlash. She projected the image of a contented wife who gave up her acting career to support her husband's career, rejecting the ideals of feminist writing and activism. 

Betty Friedan, author of The Feminine Mystique referred to Reagan as "an anachronism" who denied "the reality of American women today and what they want to be," but critics claimed that feminist critiques did not allow women to choose traditional roles. Reagan exploited the pro-choice movement's language to undermine feminism, stating that "Feminism is the ability to choose what you want to do." Her statements made feminism seem frivolous. 

 

Nancy Reagan's relentless adoration of her husband and her vocal assertion that wives should serve their husbands positioned her as a symbol of what the religious right thought women should be, dutiful housewives who influence the world through their husbands. This resonated with religious conservatives at the time, who sought to uphold traditional gender roles and undo feminist progress. Nancy Reagan's brand of anti-feminism may be her most enduring legacy that continues to fuel conservative arguments against feminism.

 

Ronald Reagan supported government involvement in an issue that was important to women, drunk driving. Candace "Candy" Lightner founded Mothers Against Drunk Driving (MADD) in 1980 after her daughter, Cari, was killed by a drunk driver with previous convictions. MADD's goals at the time included making it easier to obtain DUI convictions and raising the drinking age, which was 18 at the time in many states. In states where the drinking age was 21, there was a 26% reduction in vehicle fatalities among 19 and 20 year olds. MADD influenced how the public viewed drunk driving, humanizing the victims by sharing their stories to emphasize that these incidents are not mere "accidents" but rather are instances of preventable violence. It worked to dispel the notion that the crime is "victimless." Under political pressure from Lightner, Reagan appointed a Presidential Commission on Drunk Driving. Lightner wanted Reagan to put greater pressure on states to raise the drinking age and urged Reagan to use his political might. He eventually threatened to withhold 5% of funding for interstate highways if states didn’t raise their drinking age to 21. It was a decidedly pro-big government position for an anti-big government president to take. 

No woman had yet served as vice president or president. In 1984, former vice president and presidential candidate Walter Mondale, selected Geraldine Ferraro to be his running mate in the upcoming election. Ferraro was a member of Congress from Queens, New York and a strong candidate. Ferraro had served as a prosecutor, and her political credentials were excellent. She had proven that she could “play with the boys” and achieve positive goals for her constituents, particularly women. Her campaign was derailed a bit by her husband's troubles with the Internal Revenue Service, but Ferraro was undeterred. In the end, she and Mondale were defeated by the conservative backlash that was sweeping the country. For many Americans, this was not the time for women’s rights or for putting a woman in the second highest office in the country. The Democratic ticket lost to incumbent Ronald Reagan by a wide margin.

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

Nancy Reagan, Public Domain

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

Geraldine Ferraro 1998, Public Domain

Women and Culture

The 1980s saw a revolution in female celebrity culture, with women redefining their roles and embracing new expressions of empowerment, style, and individuality. Cheryl Tiegs, often referred to as the first supermodel, became an icon with her Sports Illustrated appearances, particularly in the infamous pink bikini, solidifying her as a fashion and TV presence. Similarly, Bianca Jagger made waves in fashion, seamlessly transitioning from '70s muse to an '80s powerhouse with her tailored suits and bold statement pieces. Demi Moore, along with her high-profile relationship with Bruce Willis, became a symbol of the era’s fascination with celebrity love lives and red carpet glamor. She also popularized shorter hairstyles for women, making them a trend for years to come.

Other icons like Grace Jones and Madonna pushed boundaries with their audacious, gender-blurring fashion choices. Grace Jones' androgynous style and larger-than-life presence, from her bold silhouettes to her surreal stage outfits, made her an unforgettable figure of the era. Madonna, ever the chameleon, reinvented herself constantly, embodying punk, glam, and sexuality, while bringing a new level of boldness and self-expression to the mainstream. Women like Farrah Fawcett and Kim Basinger, whose glamorous, effortless styles captivated audiences both on-screen and off, joined forces with the likes of Molly Ringwald and Jane Fonda, who embodied the era's evolving fashion landscape, from power suits to athleisure. Each woman left an indelible mark on both culture and fashion, reshaping what it meant to be a woman in the post-feminist 1980s.

Pleasant Rowland, a former teacher, established the Pleasant Company in Wisconsin in 1986 and introduced the first American Girl dolls that same year. Initially, the dolls were sold exclusively through mail-order catalogs. The company generated over $1 million in its first year. The original American Girl dolls represented historical characters, each paired with a series of books that educated girls about the history of American girlhood, a subject often overlooked in history lessons. The dolls faced period-specific challenges while also experiencing emotions familiar to late 20th-century readers. The first three dolls, Samantha (1904), Kirsten (1854), and Molly (1944), were white, with the first doll of color, Addy (1864), introduced in 1993.

 

American Girl dolls were known for portraying children aged 8 to 11, a notable contrast to popular dolls like Barbie, who was an adult. Unlike Barbie, whose appearance was an unrealistic aspiration for most girls, American Girl dolls were designed to resemble the children who played with them. Although the dolls were expensive at $65 in 1986, many girls engaged with the brand by browsing catalogs, reading the books from libraries, and collecting affordable items like trading cards. In 1998, Mattel acquired the Pleasant Company. The American Girl brand has since grown, continuing to release history-themed dolls and books, along with other doll lines and products.

 

The 1990s was a transformative decade in popular culture, driven by shifts in music, fashion, technology, and entertainment that influenced the fabric of society. A major force of this transformation was the rise of iconic boy bands and girl groups that captured the global imagination. The Spice Girls from the UK were one of the most influential girl groups, championing the "girl power" movement. Their infectious music and individual personalities became a global rallying cry for empowerment. 

 

In cinema, the 90s saw the rise of blockbuster films like Titanic, a film that combined romance with historical tragedy. Female celebrities such as Winona Ryder, with her iconic grunge looks, and the chic, boundary-pushing style of Jada Pinkett Smith in hip-hop-inspired fashion, embodied the decade’s blend of rebellion and bold individuality. At the same time, the tech boom introduced the internet, which changed the way people interacted with media and each other, forever altering communication and access to information.

Un hombre mestizo y sus dos esposas, circa 1825-1826.jpg

Madonna performing in concert in 1985, Public Domain

The AIDS Epidemic

The AIDS epidemic peaked in the 1980s and devastated the LGBTQ+ community. AIDS, Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome, is an immune disease that, in its late stages, is deadly. AIDS spread primarily through sexual activity, although many early cases were also spread through blood transfusions, not sex. Sexual transmission of a virulent virus stigmatized the queer community. AIDS became visible in the mainstream media around 1981 when there was a subtle report in the New York Times about a "Rare Cancer seen in 41 Homosexuals.” At that time, AIDS was largely portrayed as a disease affecting gay men, with a focus on perceived differences in lifestyles between homosexual men and women. Even today, lesbians are often remembered solely for their role as nurses during the AIDS crisis, neglecting the direct impact of AIDS on lesbian communities. 

 

Women were not just caretakers, they were also activists, lawyers, protesters, artists, and historians who were actively present in various aspects of the fight against AIDS. Heterosexual and lesbian women also suffered and died from AIDS, with statistics showing that around 40% of HIV-positive individuals and 12% of AIDS patients in 1991 were women. The definition of AIDS used by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) was, as history has repeatedly shown us in the medical field, skewed toward men's experiences, overlooking opportunistic infections that affected women with AIDS, such as Pelvic Inflammatory Disease and cervical cancer. Consequently, many HIV-positive women died without an AIDS diagnosis, and women were frequently ineligible for essential healthcare services provided through government initiatives. This was a form of medical misogyny driven by homophobia. Clinical trials for HIV/AIDS treatments excluded women, and since possible cures and treatments for AIDS would affect women differently as a result of biological differences between men and women, cures for women were not prioritized. 

 

Elizabeth Taylor was a passionate advocate for various social and humanitarian causes, most notably the fight against HIV/AIDS. She co-founded the American Foundation for AIDS Research (amfAR) and the Elizabeth Taylor AIDS Foundation, raising awareness and funds for HIV/AIDS research and support.

Unfortunately, women had to sue the federal government for discrimination in order to effect change. In 1989, a lawyer, Terry McGovern established the HIV Law Project and served as its executive director. McGovern successfully litigated numerous cases against various levels of government, including the landmark case S.P. v. Sullivan. This lawsuit forced the Social Security Administration to expand HIV-related disability criteria so that women could qualify for Medicaid and Social Security benefits.. In T.N. v. FDA, McGovern sued to end the 1977 FDA guideline that excluded women from clinical trials of treatments.

LGBTQ+ women were frustrated with their male allies who frequently and actively excluded women, especially women of color, from their advocacy in ACT UP, an organization that worked to advocate for victims of AIDS. Women, however, found ways to air their frustrations. Maxine Wolfe hosted “Dyke Dinners” in the 1990s to connect lesbians in New York City. There, lesbians created the ACT UP Women’s Caucus in order to change the CDC AIDS definition and improve safe sex practices within the lesbian community. 

 

In 1991, women appeared before Congress to testify about how the gendered discrimination and the terms were killing women. Wolfe, a doctor, said her female patients “died before getting any benefits,” because of the definition. In 1993, the CDC changed the definition and in an instant the number of women eligible for health benefits went from 10 to 50 percent. 

 

The AIDS epidemic posed a significant challenge for lesbians, as their presence and experiences were often overlooked or erased. This led to a sense of losing the present and the fear of being forgotten.

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

Nancy Pelosi (left) and Elizabeth Taylor (right) Testifying Before the House Budget Committee on HIV/AIDS Funding, Public Domain

Defense of Marriage Act 

In the 1990s President Bill Clinton’s positions on gay rights perhaps revealed his political savvy, but not his championing of human rights. At this time, gay people were barred from service in the military. In 1993, Clinton unveiled a “neutral” position on LGBTQ+ service: “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” (DADT). The new policy allowed gay individuals who wished to enlist in the armed forces to be honest about their sexual orientation but prohibited them from openly disclosing it. Some applauded this step toward progress, but DADT also sparked outrage among many gay rights advocates who viewed it as merely a repackaged version of the previous ban.

 

Things got worse. In the 1990s, Republicans controlled the House and the Senate and enacted the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), which Democratic President Bill Clinton signed into law in 1996. The law defined marriage as a union between a man and a woman and prevented gay marriages, which were being legalized in some states, from being recognized at the federal level. This was a significant setback for LGBTQ+ rights. Under DOMA, numerous older same-sex surviving spouses faced the burden of paying estate taxes upon the death of their partners, a tax exemption granted to heterosexual couples. Additionally, married same-sex couples often encountered complex and costly legal procedures to ensure that their inheritance passed on to their spouse, something heterosexuals did not have to endure.

Changing Perspectives on LGBTQ Rights

At the turn of the millennium, things began to change. In April of 1997, Ellen DeGeneres came out publicly as a lesbian on her TV sitcom Ellen. She followed up the episode with interviews that confirmed that not only was her character on the show gay, but she herself was gay, too. This moment was huge for young people who related and identified with her. The episode was seen by around 42 million people and changed the landscape for LGBTQ+ people. It was not well received by everyone. Some viewers and affiliates refused to air the episode and some advertisers pulled funding. 

 

A 2015 study found that DeGeneres influenced American views on LGBTQ+ rights more than any other figure. She was awarded the Medal of Freedom by Barack Obama for her bravery and willingness to subject herself to so much pushback in order to raise awareness and give a face to being a lesbian. The show, Ellen, created space for other shows to feature gay characters. Following her breakthrough coming out on air, shows like Will & Grace and Modern Family helped to tell more LGBTQ+ stories.


In 1999, Tammy Baldwin followed a number of gay men to become the first openly lesbian woman elected to the House of Representatives. State after state legalized gay marriage, starting with Vermont. This presented legal complications leading to battles in court. Gay couples traveled from their home states to places where marriage was legal and more and more people came out. The normalizing of queer relationships and identities shifted politics. In 2003, the Supreme Court struck down a Texas anti-sodomy law. The case, Lawrence v. Texas, also invalidated anti-sodomy laws in 13 other states. This was based on the same right to privacy in the 14th Amendment that the court used to justify Roe v, Wade. The 2003 case made sexual activity between consenting adults legal. Politicians like Bill Clinton and his wife Hillary, then a Senator, shifted their perspectives along with public opinion. Bill Clinton regretted signing DOMA and Hilary Clinton did some political maneuvering to minimize the importance of her previous positions. In 2010, Congress and President President Obama struck down Don’t Ask Don’t Tell and allowed service members to serve openly. He also appointed Deborah Batts to be the nation's first openly LGBTQ+ federal judge.

Un hombre mestizo y sus dos esposas, circa 1825-1826.jpg

Ellen DeGeneres 1997 Emmy Awards, Public Domain

Feminism

Despite the dominance of conservative ideas in the Reagan and Clinton eras, the feminist movement in this period became more mainstream. Instead of huge demonstrations by women, feminists integrated themselves into jobs, found work in nonprofits that did the work protesters had demanded for decades. One of the remarkable aspects of feminism in the 1990s was that it was decidedly led by women of color. New organizations led by women of color like SONG, INCITE!, and Sister Song emerged. Southerners on New Ground (SONG) formed in 1993 to empower LGBTQ+ youth in the South. INCITE! formed to develop strategies to end violence against women.

 

Sister Song Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective was formed in 1997, drawing together groups of women of color from Indigenous, Black, Latina, and Asian American communities. Their goal is to represent themselves and use their voices to advance the perspectives and needs of women of color.  Sister Song embraced the idea of reproductive justice as having access to the resources TO have children as well as the freedom to decide NOT to have children. SisterSong defines reproductive justice as  “the human right to maintain personal bodily autonomy, have children, not have children, and parent the children we have in safe and sustainable communities.” 

 

In the 1980s and 1990s, women found their way into more positions of power. No longer did they need to protest on the streets outside power, they could change things from within. In 1991, President George H. W. Bush nominated Clarence Thomas to serve on the Supreme Court. Anita Hill was an attorney and academic who gained national attention in 1991 for her testimony during the confirmation hearings. Hill accused Thomas of sexual harassment during his tenure as her supervisor at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) in the early 1980s. Her allegations included explicit and inappropriate comments, discussions about pornographic materials, and unwanted advances.

 

Hill's testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee brought issues of sexual harassment and workplace misconduct into the national spotlight. It sparked a significant national conversation about gender, power, and the treatment of women in the workplace. Hill faced intense scrutiny and criticism during the hearings, but her courage in coming forward with her allegations inspired and empowered many women to share their own experiences.

 

Although Thomas was ultimately confirmed, Hill's testimony brought international attention to the issue of sexual harassment and led to public discussions and significant changes in workplace policies around these issues. She brought feminism into the mainstream again. Beginning in the 1990s, the courts would find that sexual harassment creates a hostile work environment for which employers could be held liable.

 

The presence of women in corporate suites and board rooms allowed women to effect change down the corporate ladder. Since 1970, women have become more inclined to work full time and year-round. The participation of women with children in the labor force has also significantly risen. Furthermore, there has been a steady growth in women's earnings relative to men's earnings. In 1979, women working full time earned 62 percent of what men earned, while in 2019, that figure had increased to 82 percent. However, some of the shifts toward pay equity arose as the result of declining wages for men, not improvements in women’s wages. 

 

Discrimination in the workplace continued, as women were denied paid maternity leave and the Supreme Court even ruled that if a woman took maternity leave, she was not guaranteed to be able to return to the job she left. In 1993, Congress finally passed the Family and Medical Leave Act that required government employers to give employees twelve weeks of unpaid maternity leave, that their insurance coverage continue through the leave period, and that they be able to resume their pre-pregnancy job. Many employers in other industries began to provide maternity leave and to  provide leave for male parents who wished to take time to care for a child or support their female partner post-birth. Both men and women are eligible to take leave to care for ailing spouses, children, parents, and other family members.

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

Anita Hill testifying during Clarence Thomas's Supreme Court confirmation hearing 1991, Public Domain

Women and War

In 1971, women represented 1 percent of the population of the military. In 1981, that percentage rose to 8.5. In 1990, the number of women in the military jumped with the Persian Gulf War against Iraq. One-term president George H.W. Bush declared war on Iraq after it invaded its oil rich neighbor, Kuwait. This war was viewed positively by Americans, the first since WWII, and was his attempt to maintain Republican control of the White House. The war was a significant moment in American military history, as it saw the largest deployment of women to a combat zone up to that time. Over 40,000 female American soldiers served. In 1991, Congress also allowed women to fly warplanes in combat. Women who served in this conflict were mostly single, childless, college-educated, and in the Army.

Captain Rosemary Mariner led VAQ-34 during Operation Desert Storm and became the first woman to command an operational naval aviation squadron. Mariner had a master’s degree in National Security Strategy from the National War College and worked at the Pentagon. She served the US for 24 years with over 3,500 flight hours in 15 types of aircraft. She became a fierce advocate for women in the military and worked to overturn laws and regulations that limited women’s job prospects and kept women from combat. She said, "In modern warfare, the emphasis is not on physical strength, but on brain power operating sophisticated weapons systems. A machine gun is a great equalizer."

 

In the Gulf War, military personnel were more likely to die in accidents or from mental health issues on their return than from combat itself. Women faced significant challenges in the military and healthcare systems, which were ill-equipped to meet their specific needs. They encountered chronic health conditions that were common among Gulf War veterans and expressed the need to be recognized as a distinct cohort with unique requirements. The Gulf War syndrome, or PTSD, was studied following this war. Researchers found that the way the illness manifests may differ between female and male veterans. The Veterans Administration (VA) was illprepared to care for women. Women soldiers captured by Iraqi forces faced torture and sexual assault, and some also experienced sexual assault from their male comrades-in-arms.

 

Many Americans were motivated to fight and support the war due to Sadam Hussain's violations of human and women’s rights as well as Islamophobia, a fear or misunderstanding of Islam. Yet the war fell short of resolving those issues. After the war ended, Iraqi society saw a regression in women's and girls' status because of the political decision by Sadam to use Islamic and tribal traditions to consolidate power. Post-war sanctions from the UN were particularly harsh on women and children. However, an uprising by the Kurdish ethnic group in 1991 gave the Kurds some freedoms which allowed them to advance some women's rights. They formed the Organization of Women's Freedom in Iraq.

 

The lasting effects of the Gulf War were yet to be seen. US entanglement in the Middle East had only begun and the role that women would play in this decades-long fight was only just beginning. The role would women play in this emerging conflict, as women’s position in combat roles remained ever divisive.

 

Hillary Clinton's appointment as head of the healthcare task force marked a significant deviation from traditional First Lady roles, symbolizing the administration's commitment to women’s leadership. However, her high-profile involvement and the task force’s secretive operations drew criticism and became a political liability. The healthcare reform effort ultimately failed, hindered by public backlash, Republican opposition, and internal missteps. Nevertheless, Hillary Clinton’s prominence in shaping policy underscored the administration’s broader emphasis on advancing women’s roles in public and political life.

 

Despite his administration’s advancements in women’s representation, Clinton’s presidency was marred by controversies involving women, including the Monica Lewinsky affair and sexual harassment allegations by Paula Jones. These scandals damaged Clinton’s personal reputation and drew widespread criticism, even as his approval ratings for job performance remained high. Hillary Clinton’s poised handling of these crises won her widespread admiration and bolstered her own public image. Together, the Clintons’ experiences reflected both progress and challenges in navigating the complexities of gender and leadership in modern American politics.

 

Further, his presidency enforced limited views of gender and sexuality. He signed the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA) into law, which strictly defined marriage as between a man and a woman. He also introduced “Don’t Ask Don’t Tell” into the military. The policy was meant to be a compromise with those who wanted to outright man non-heterosexual people from the military. Yet, the policy led to more suspicion of queer people. The effect was particularly profound on lesbians, who were already facing uphill battles as women in the military. 

 

In all, Clinton’s legacy related to women and gender hasn’t aged well. As society moves beyond the peculiar politics of the time, his compromises are harder to appreciate and the many allegations of sexual harassment make him a complicated figure. 

George Catlin, Assiniboin, Mujer y niño, 1985.66.181, Museo Smithsonian de Arte Americano

Captain Rosemary Mariner, Public Domain

Conclusion

The late 20th century was a paradoxical era for women. Conservative opposition to feminism, embodied by figures like Nancy Reagan and Phyllis Schlafly, sought to reaffirm traditional gender roles. Simultaneously, feminists adapted by integrating into institutional roles and addressing intersectional issues. While economic and political gains were made, systemic inequalities persisted, particularly for women of color and working-class women. 

By the end of this era, so much remained in question. Could the few women in power effect change for those below them? How would the nation cope with the emerging awareness of gender discrimination and sexual harassment? In what ways would women emerge as leaders for everyone? Could women break down the ultimate glass ceiling: the White House? How would women engaged in the mounting conflicts in the Middle East impact the United States?

PATROCINADORES MENSUALES
Jeff Eckert, Barbara Tischler, Brooke Sullivan, Christian Bourdo, Kent Heckel, Jenna Koloski, Nancy Heckel, Megan Torrey-Payne, Leah Tanger, Mark Bryer, Nicole Woulfe, Alicia Gutierrez-Romine, Katya Miller, Michelle Stonis, Jessica Freire, Laura Holiday, Jacqui Nelson, Annabelle Blevins Pifer, Dawn Cyr, Megan Gary, Melissa Adams, Victoria Plutshack, Rachel Lee Perez, Kate Kemp, Bridget Erlandson, Leah Spellerberg, Rebecca Sanborn Marshall, Ashley Satterfield, Milly Neff, Alexandra Plutshack, Martha Wheelock, Gwen Duralek, Maureen Barthen, Pamela Scully, Elizabeth Blanchard y Christina Luzzi.

DONANTES PRINCIPALES
Pionera: Deb Coffin, Fundación Annalee Davis Thorndike, Fundación Comunitaria de Rhode Island
Icono: Jean German, Dra. Barbara y Dr. Steve Tischler, Dra. Leah Redmond Chang

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