29. 1950-1990 Transnational Feminism
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During and following World War II, women around the globe organized in a transnational feminist movement that transformed and defined the 20th century. Women organized in the United Nations, shared strategies, and effected change in their home countries that improved women's lives.
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Coming soon!
Draw your own conclusions
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Learn how to teach with inquiry.
Many of these lesson plans were sponsored in part by the Library of Congress Teaching with Primary Sources Eastern Region Program, coordinated by Waynesburg University, the History and Social Studies Education Faculty at Plymouth State University, and the Patrons of the Remedial Herstory Project. |
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Lesson Plans from Other Organizations
- This website, Women in World History has primary source based lesson plans on women's history in a whole range of topics. Some are free while others have a cost.
- The Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media has produced recommendations for teaching women's history with primary sources and provided a collection of sources for world history. Check them out!
- The Stanford History Education Group has a number of lesson plans about women in World History.
unknown: A Report on the state of women’s issues in Post-Communist Transition
In the countries of post-communism transition there are many similarities in the situation of women, despite the fact that these countries have different historical, economic and religious backgrounds and that their totalitarian regimes were also radically different.
The states of the so-called socialist (communist) systems, using their political and social power and propaganda, managed to cover up the depths of the inequalities in gendered opportunities. So, after the transformation, the illusion still remained that equal opportunities for women had already been established. At the same time, society was not prepared for the dramatic changes that occurred in the differences of opportunities (according to age, region, education, etc.)
During the transformation of the economy, women fell out of the labour market in great numbers to find themselves in the household, which did not provide any income for them, or in early retirement. Women's political representation radically decreased, compared to the "statist feminist" era, when their representation was regulated by quota. In the last decade, however, their proportion has increased again, especially at local levels. Non-profit organisations, representing the interests of women, were not strong enough to break through the political walls and realise their interests and programmes in political life, or to give voice to their values in public discourse, despite their strong activities in certain countries.
Therefore, the Parliamentary Assembly recommends to the governments of Central and Eastern Europe a number of measures aimed at improving legal norms on gender equality, the economic status of women in society, as well as their health and social protection.
Magdolna Kósá-Kovács. ‘The Situation of Women in the Countries of Post-Communism Transition’, 9 June 2004. https://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref- ViewHTML.asp?FileID=10366&lang=EN.
Questions:
The states of the so-called socialist (communist) systems, using their political and social power and propaganda, managed to cover up the depths of the inequalities in gendered opportunities. So, after the transformation, the illusion still remained that equal opportunities for women had already been established. At the same time, society was not prepared for the dramatic changes that occurred in the differences of opportunities (according to age, region, education, etc.)
During the transformation of the economy, women fell out of the labour market in great numbers to find themselves in the household, which did not provide any income for them, or in early retirement. Women's political representation radically decreased, compared to the "statist feminist" era, when their representation was regulated by quota. In the last decade, however, their proportion has increased again, especially at local levels. Non-profit organisations, representing the interests of women, were not strong enough to break through the political walls and realise their interests and programmes in political life, or to give voice to their values in public discourse, despite their strong activities in certain countries.
Therefore, the Parliamentary Assembly recommends to the governments of Central and Eastern Europe a number of measures aimed at improving legal norms on gender equality, the economic status of women in society, as well as their health and social protection.
Magdolna Kósá-Kovács. ‘The Situation of Women in the Countries of Post-Communism Transition’, 9 June 2004. https://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/X2H-Xref- ViewHTML.asp?FileID=10366&lang=EN.
Questions:
- According to the report, what is the state of women’s issues?
- How have women’s rights transformed since the end of communism?
- What are some suggestions the report makes to improve the situation in post-communist countries?
Slavenka Drakulic: excerpt from her Speech at the Institute for Human Sciences
Emancipation from above – as I call it – was the main difference between the lives of women under communism and those of women in Western democracies. Emancipatory law was built into the communist legal system, guaranteeing to women all the basic rights –from voting to property ownership, from education to divorce, from equal pay for equal work to the right to control their bodies. But, as Ulf Brunnbauer writes in his 2000 essay From equality without democracy to democracy without equality?:
“Proclamations of gender equality never corresponded to social reality. Patriarchal values and structures were not eradicated, but the ‘family patriarch’ was replaced by the authoritarian state – emancipation was not an end in itself, but an instrument for wider political goals, as defined by the party.”The formal equality of women in the communist world was observed mostly in public life and in institutions. The private sphere, on the other hand, was dominated by male chauvinism. This meant a lot of unreported domestic violence, for example. It also meant that men usually had no obligations at home, which left women with less time for themselves. It was not only the lack of freedom – and time – that prevented women fighting for changes but, more importantly, a lack of belief that change was necessary. Someone else up there was in charge of thinking about that for you. And because change came from the powers that be, women were made to believe there was no need for change or room for improvement.
If, however, there were any minor problems resulting from women’s specific needs, then
there were women’s organizations that were supposed to take care of them. However, these
were only instruments of communist party power and were concerned less with women and
their needs and more with ideology. Feminist consciousness didn’t exist. Since women were
emancipated, there was no need for a discussion about women’s rights, so the argument went. It
was as if women lived in an ideal world, but were not fully aware of it, or failed to appreciate the
fact. And those who tried to enlighten them about the real situation were seen as “suspicious
elements”. Women who attempted to publically discuss feminism in Yugoslavia in the 1980s
were accused by the authorities of “importing foreign, bourgeois ideas”.
At that time, Eastern European women speaking publicly would typically introduce
themselves by saying “I am not a feminist, but...” Of course, they were afraid of being ridiculed.
Today, one reads that numerous feminist NGOs were formed in Eastern Europe shortly after
1989, but that was not at all my experience. During my travels for the magazine Ms., trying to
find feminists was like looking for a needle in a haystack. There were good reasons for this. For a
long time, even after 1989, women in former communist countries did not want to be identified
as feminists, even if they were. If anything, to be a feminist was considered to be a kind of a
dissident. Prejudices against Western, and especially American feminists were spread by the
press; not only were they men-haters too ugly to find a husband, but they were also burning
bras!
The post-communist revival of conservative values, nationalism and religion is having an
effect on the behaviour of women not only in my small country. Their passivity and disinterest is
not hard to understand. When everything around you is changing so dramatically, then you
tend not to embrace the new circumstances, but to cling to habits, values and ideas that were
there before –before communism. Unfortunately, this means a radical backlash, the return to a
feudal value system. After the collapse of communism, most countries in the region experienced
a renaissance of nationalism and religion – precisely the two things that were suppressed under
communism. It was all that remained from the pre-communist past. Patriarchy, which seemed to
have disappeared, reared its head again, looking healthier than ever. Patriarchy after Patriarchy –
as Karl Kaser wrote. But is it only temporary?
So, for women in Eastern Europe, the freedom regained in 1989 has brought unexpected
limitations on economic, social and even reproductive rights. Women were hit by cuts in public
spending and seen as an inferior category of employee, causing mass female unemployment.
Poverty was feminized. With the political focus on economic transformation and the building of
democratic structures, women’s rights weren’t a top priority. As a result, fewer and fewer
women worked (although we now know that many, between 30 to 50 %, were part of the
informal economy). More and more stayed at home, avoiding politics and public life, being
persuaded that this was the right thing to do.
Drakulic, Slavenka., “How Women Survived Post-Communism (and didn’t Laugh)” (speech, Vienna, Austria, May 29 2015), Institute for Human Sciences. https://www.iwm.at/transit-online/how- women-survived-post-communism-and-didnt-laugh.
Questions:
“Proclamations of gender equality never corresponded to social reality. Patriarchal values and structures were not eradicated, but the ‘family patriarch’ was replaced by the authoritarian state – emancipation was not an end in itself, but an instrument for wider political goals, as defined by the party.”The formal equality of women in the communist world was observed mostly in public life and in institutions. The private sphere, on the other hand, was dominated by male chauvinism. This meant a lot of unreported domestic violence, for example. It also meant that men usually had no obligations at home, which left women with less time for themselves. It was not only the lack of freedom – and time – that prevented women fighting for changes but, more importantly, a lack of belief that change was necessary. Someone else up there was in charge of thinking about that for you. And because change came from the powers that be, women were made to believe there was no need for change or room for improvement.
If, however, there were any minor problems resulting from women’s specific needs, then
there were women’s organizations that were supposed to take care of them. However, these
were only instruments of communist party power and were concerned less with women and
their needs and more with ideology. Feminist consciousness didn’t exist. Since women were
emancipated, there was no need for a discussion about women’s rights, so the argument went. It
was as if women lived in an ideal world, but were not fully aware of it, or failed to appreciate the
fact. And those who tried to enlighten them about the real situation were seen as “suspicious
elements”. Women who attempted to publically discuss feminism in Yugoslavia in the 1980s
were accused by the authorities of “importing foreign, bourgeois ideas”.
At that time, Eastern European women speaking publicly would typically introduce
themselves by saying “I am not a feminist, but...” Of course, they were afraid of being ridiculed.
Today, one reads that numerous feminist NGOs were formed in Eastern Europe shortly after
1989, but that was not at all my experience. During my travels for the magazine Ms., trying to
find feminists was like looking for a needle in a haystack. There were good reasons for this. For a
long time, even after 1989, women in former communist countries did not want to be identified
as feminists, even if they were. If anything, to be a feminist was considered to be a kind of a
dissident. Prejudices against Western, and especially American feminists were spread by the
press; not only were they men-haters too ugly to find a husband, but they were also burning
bras!
The post-communist revival of conservative values, nationalism and religion is having an
effect on the behaviour of women not only in my small country. Their passivity and disinterest is
not hard to understand. When everything around you is changing so dramatically, then you
tend not to embrace the new circumstances, but to cling to habits, values and ideas that were
there before –before communism. Unfortunately, this means a radical backlash, the return to a
feudal value system. After the collapse of communism, most countries in the region experienced
a renaissance of nationalism and religion – precisely the two things that were suppressed under
communism. It was all that remained from the pre-communist past. Patriarchy, which seemed to
have disappeared, reared its head again, looking healthier than ever. Patriarchy after Patriarchy –
as Karl Kaser wrote. But is it only temporary?
So, for women in Eastern Europe, the freedom regained in 1989 has brought unexpected
limitations on economic, social and even reproductive rights. Women were hit by cuts in public
spending and seen as an inferior category of employee, causing mass female unemployment.
Poverty was feminized. With the political focus on economic transformation and the building of
democratic structures, women’s rights weren’t a top priority. As a result, fewer and fewer
women worked (although we now know that many, between 30 to 50 %, were part of the
informal economy). More and more stayed at home, avoiding politics and public life, being
persuaded that this was the right thing to do.
Drakulic, Slavenka., “How Women Survived Post-Communism (and didn’t Laugh)” (speech, Vienna, Austria, May 29 2015), Institute for Human Sciences. https://www.iwm.at/transit-online/how- women-survived-post-communism-and-didnt-laugh.
Questions:
- What does Slavenka Drakulic claim is the main difference between the lives of women in western societies and communist ones?
- What were some key similarities and differences between attitudes towards women’s issues in western democratic societies and in eastern european societies at the time?
- According to Drakulic, why was there a revival in conservative values after communism?
- What does this speech say about the environment towards women’s rights in eastern europe after communism?
Le Browne: Her Experience in the Diem Regime
Le Lieu Browne, a Vietnamese woman educated in France and married to an American journalist, recalls her mixed feelings about her experience working for the Diem regime.
I grew up in Ben Tre in the Mekong Delta, which was reputed to be a stronghold of Communist sympathizers. The French controlled big towns while the Viet Minh controlled the countryside. When the French tried to occupy Ben Tre with their legionnaires and Moroccans and Nigerans they were brutal. But so were the Viet Minh. If they found civil servants or "pro government elements" they took them away and we never heard from them again....
About half the students in my high school were pro-Viet Minh. They organized demonstrations and strikes which constantly closed down the school. My mother worried about our education and decided to send me, along with my twin brothers, to France.... When I returned in 1959 I worked for the Ministry of Information....I worked there for three years but I wasn't happy and wanted to get out....I strongly believed in freedom and suddenly we were ordered to wear uniforms to work and go to political meetings. It sounded to me more like Communism than democracy....
After the coup against Diem, the military generals competed with one another to take power and there was one coup after another. These Vietnamese generals had no experience in administration. They were even more corrupt than Diem...It wasn't good to have generals as presidents. They gave me no hope. But the American buildup also left me skeptical. If the French who colonized our country for a century could not win our support, how could the Americans, the newcomers with a different culture and language, hope to win the war against the Communists? We seemed to return to the situation in the fifties in which the government controlled the cities and the Viet Cong controlled the countryside. Corruption and police harassment made people distrust the government and sympathize more with the Viet Cong. But still I didn't think the Viet Cong would win. I just thought that the war would go on forever.
Appy G, Christian. Interview with Le Lieu Browne.“A South Vietnamese Woman Recalls Her Experience in the Diem Regime,” SHEC: Resources for Teachers.
Questions:
I grew up in Ben Tre in the Mekong Delta, which was reputed to be a stronghold of Communist sympathizers. The French controlled big towns while the Viet Minh controlled the countryside. When the French tried to occupy Ben Tre with their legionnaires and Moroccans and Nigerans they were brutal. But so were the Viet Minh. If they found civil servants or "pro government elements" they took them away and we never heard from them again....
About half the students in my high school were pro-Viet Minh. They organized demonstrations and strikes which constantly closed down the school. My mother worried about our education and decided to send me, along with my twin brothers, to France.... When I returned in 1959 I worked for the Ministry of Information....I worked there for three years but I wasn't happy and wanted to get out....I strongly believed in freedom and suddenly we were ordered to wear uniforms to work and go to political meetings. It sounded to me more like Communism than democracy....
After the coup against Diem, the military generals competed with one another to take power and there was one coup after another. These Vietnamese generals had no experience in administration. They were even more corrupt than Diem...It wasn't good to have generals as presidents. They gave me no hope. But the American buildup also left me skeptical. If the French who colonized our country for a century could not win our support, how could the Americans, the newcomers with a different culture and language, hope to win the war against the Communists? We seemed to return to the situation in the fifties in which the government controlled the cities and the Viet Cong controlled the countryside. Corruption and police harassment made people distrust the government and sympathize more with the Viet Cong. But still I didn't think the Viet Cong would win. I just thought that the war would go on forever.
Appy G, Christian. Interview with Le Lieu Browne.“A South Vietnamese Woman Recalls Her Experience in the Diem Regime,” SHEC: Resources for Teachers.
Questions:
- What kind of source is this?
- How might her background impact her biases?
- What were her opinions about the war?
Truong My Hoa: Her Recollection of Her Revolutionary Activities
Truong My Hoa, a Vietnamese woman from a "revolutionary tradition" and later a high-ranking member of the Communist Party, recalls her experiences as a young revolutionary and subsequent imprisonment by the South Vietnamese government.
I was born to a revolutionary family and inherited a revolutionary tradition. My hometown of Tien Giang was a revolutionary hotbed. My parents had taken part in the resistance war against the French for which both were arrested and imprisoned. My brothers and sisters and I were imprisoned during the American War. Altogether my family spent half a century in jail.
In 1954, my father regrouped to the North in compliance with the Geneva Accords. My mother remained in the South with the children, and like everybody else, she thought that general elections would be implemented two years later and the country, as well as all the families, would be reunited. However, the puppet government of Ngo Dinh Diem unilaterally carried out a bloody war, supported by American imperialists.
I began to participate in the revolution at age fifteen, in 1960, when the Saigon regime took its guillotine throughout the South to behead patriotic revolutionaries and even non- revolutionary common people. I realized in my heart that we had no alternative but to struggle against the Diem government and its henchmen. That was the only way we could achieve peace, independence, and unification. Because of Diem’s terror in the countryside, my mother took us to Saigon. There, right in the gorge of the puppet regime, I became a revolutionary. I participated in propaganda aimed at mobilizing high school and college students. We urged them to resist military conscription and the invasion of our country by American imperialists.
I was arrested on April 15, 1964. The Saigon Military Tribunal accused me of disrupting order and political stability. I was officially sentenced to eighteen months of confinement, but they kept prolonging the sentence and held me in prison for eleven years. I was released on March 7, 1975....
Over the years I underwent a lot of interrogation and torture.... Always they asked me if we were going to talk, or not, and they slandered our political loyalties. They tried to make us salute their flag and condemn Communism. They tried to make us say, 'Down with President Ho!' And, of course, they wanted to know about our revolutionary organizations and bases. But we would rather die than bow to their will.
Appy G, Christian. Interview with Truong My Hoa.“A Vietnamese Woman Recalls Her Revolutionary Activities,” SHEC: Resources for Teachers.
Questions:
I was born to a revolutionary family and inherited a revolutionary tradition. My hometown of Tien Giang was a revolutionary hotbed. My parents had taken part in the resistance war against the French for which both were arrested and imprisoned. My brothers and sisters and I were imprisoned during the American War. Altogether my family spent half a century in jail.
In 1954, my father regrouped to the North in compliance with the Geneva Accords. My mother remained in the South with the children, and like everybody else, she thought that general elections would be implemented two years later and the country, as well as all the families, would be reunited. However, the puppet government of Ngo Dinh Diem unilaterally carried out a bloody war, supported by American imperialists.
I began to participate in the revolution at age fifteen, in 1960, when the Saigon regime took its guillotine throughout the South to behead patriotic revolutionaries and even non- revolutionary common people. I realized in my heart that we had no alternative but to struggle against the Diem government and its henchmen. That was the only way we could achieve peace, independence, and unification. Because of Diem’s terror in the countryside, my mother took us to Saigon. There, right in the gorge of the puppet regime, I became a revolutionary. I participated in propaganda aimed at mobilizing high school and college students. We urged them to resist military conscription and the invasion of our country by American imperialists.
I was arrested on April 15, 1964. The Saigon Military Tribunal accused me of disrupting order and political stability. I was officially sentenced to eighteen months of confinement, but they kept prolonging the sentence and held me in prison for eleven years. I was released on March 7, 1975....
Over the years I underwent a lot of interrogation and torture.... Always they asked me if we were going to talk, or not, and they slandered our political loyalties. They tried to make us salute their flag and condemn Communism. They tried to make us say, 'Down with President Ho!' And, of course, they wanted to know about our revolutionary organizations and bases. But we would rather die than bow to their will.
Appy G, Christian. Interview with Truong My Hoa.“A Vietnamese Woman Recalls Her Revolutionary Activities,” SHEC: Resources for Teachers.
Questions:
- What kind of source is this?
- What were her opinions about the war?
unknown: Radical Women in Latin America
“There was more equality in the mountains than after triumph. We shared what we had. We shared the cooking duties, the fun cleaning, the leadership responsibilities . . . . There wasn’t gender consciousness in the guerilla forces, what there was was an incredible solidarity. At any time men as much as women could be killed. Later a machista life began, which is Nicaraguan culture. They returned to what they considered normal life”
Karen Kampwirth and Victoria González-Rivera. Radical Women in Latin America: Left and Right. Penn State University Press, 2001. https://doi.org/10.5325/j.ctt7v5zf.
Questions:
Karen Kampwirth and Victoria González-Rivera. Radical Women in Latin America: Left and Right. Penn State University Press, 2001. https://doi.org/10.5325/j.ctt7v5zf.
Questions:
- Based on the excerpt, how were women treated in guerilla groups?
- Did women’s position in society change after the FSLN?
Za kommunisticheskoe prosveshchenie: School No. 130 Follows its own Law
In the Soviet Union, the rights of mothers and children are strictly protected by the law. For example, in addition to a four month maternity leave, every working mother has the right to take breaks during work for nursing until the infant reaches the age of nine months. But it seems that the administration of school 130 in the Soviet district of Moscow considers that this rule does not apply to its school.
I have worked as a teacher for nine years, and am in my first year at school 130. Returning from maternity leave, I placed my infant in a nursery school. At first, I was able to nurse him regularly, every three hours. But because I could not nurse my infant during the break between classes (20 minutes), I was always late by 10-15 minutes.
These minutes of tardiness were not absences, because I have the right to an additional half-hour besides these 20 minutes for nursing my infant. But the head of instruction and the school director, after repeated warnings, have ordered me to either stop nursing my infant or quit working in the school, because they consider that the class (42 pupils) cannot and should not be left without a teacher for even a minute.
I completely agree with the orders of the head of instruction and the school director that pupils should not be left without a leader for even the shortest amount of time. But it does not follow from this that I, as a teacher-mother, am not able to lead the children in lessons.
This unequal battle has resulted in the victory of the school administration. Despite the orders of a doctors, I had to stop nursing my infant and switch to artificial food, which quickly had a negative effect on the child’s health.
I consider that the approach to me taken by the head of instruction and the school director demonstrates an unwillingness to let a teacher-mother have normal conditions for bringing up a healthy infant. It is possible to find a solution to this situation that does not harm the children and does not violate Soviet law by providing a substitute during this break or by drafting a schedule so that the pupils have another teacher after three hours. I love the work of teaching and do not want to give it up because of this temporary condition. In the current situation, I demand only that the administration of school 130 provide a little flexibility and human sympathy, so that I can continue working and bringing up my infant normally.
For Communist Enlightenment. ‘School No. 130 Follows Its Own Law’, 6 February 1937. https://chnm.gmu.edu/wwh/modules/lesson11/pdfs/primarysourcepacket.pdf.
Questions:
1. What problems did the article outline that the teacher had to go through?
I have worked as a teacher for nine years, and am in my first year at school 130. Returning from maternity leave, I placed my infant in a nursery school. At first, I was able to nurse him regularly, every three hours. But because I could not nurse my infant during the break between classes (20 minutes), I was always late by 10-15 minutes.
These minutes of tardiness were not absences, because I have the right to an additional half-hour besides these 20 minutes for nursing my infant. But the head of instruction and the school director, after repeated warnings, have ordered me to either stop nursing my infant or quit working in the school, because they consider that the class (42 pupils) cannot and should not be left without a teacher for even a minute.
I completely agree with the orders of the head of instruction and the school director that pupils should not be left without a leader for even the shortest amount of time. But it does not follow from this that I, as a teacher-mother, am not able to lead the children in lessons.
This unequal battle has resulted in the victory of the school administration. Despite the orders of a doctors, I had to stop nursing my infant and switch to artificial food, which quickly had a negative effect on the child’s health.
I consider that the approach to me taken by the head of instruction and the school director demonstrates an unwillingness to let a teacher-mother have normal conditions for bringing up a healthy infant. It is possible to find a solution to this situation that does not harm the children and does not violate Soviet law by providing a substitute during this break or by drafting a schedule so that the pupils have another teacher after three hours. I love the work of teaching and do not want to give it up because of this temporary condition. In the current situation, I demand only that the administration of school 130 provide a little flexibility and human sympathy, so that I can continue working and bringing up my infant normally.
For Communist Enlightenment. ‘School No. 130 Follows Its Own Law’, 6 February 1937. https://chnm.gmu.edu/wwh/modules/lesson11/pdfs/primarysourcepacket.pdf.
Questions:
1. What problems did the article outline that the teacher had to go through?
Vostoka pravada: Defending the Rights of a Soviet Woman
In the collective farm “Communism,” in the Kokandskii distrct [Uzbek SSR], a determined struggle between Milidzhan Gafurovyi and his wife Rakhmalia-bibi Rustamova has been going on for the last few years. Rustamova threw off her veil, eliminated her illiteracy, works like a Stakhanovite in the collective farm, and was elected to serve as a brigade leader. With all his strength, Gafurov obstructed the political development of his wife by persecuting her and more than once threatening to kill her.
As an activist and public organizer, Rustmova was nominated and actively participated as a member of the electoral commission for the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Gafurov began to persecute his wife even more strongly, and forced her to leave the collective farm and stop her work in the electoral commission.
Realizing his powerlessness to force his wife to submit to his influence, Gafurov decided to commit a terrorist act. The first time, he tried to kill his wife at night in their apartment, but Rustamova saved herself by running away. The second time, during the drying of the cotton crop, Gafurov again attacked his wife with a knife. This time, she was saved by the intervention of other collective farmers.
The third time, December 12, 1937, on the election day for the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, when Rustamova as a member of the electoral commission and busy with work on the elections, Gafurov forced his way into the village soviet and demanded that Rustomova immediately quit everything and return home. Rustamova refused and went into the electoral commission’s room. Following after her, Gafurov attacked his wife with a knife, but was restrained.
This matter was investigated on June 11-12 of this year [1938] in the village of ArzykTepe, in the presence of the collective farm’s Military tribunal SAVO composed of acting military jurist second rank comrade Pensin and court members lieutenants Anisenko and Spichkin.
The court determined that Gafurov is a descendant of a kulak-bai family, was a merchant, and has for the last few years lived on the income of his wife. The court sentenced Gafurov to be executed. The collective farm members attending the trial greeted the sentence with expressions of satisfaction.
Pravada Vostoka. ‘Defending the Rights of a Soviet Woman’, 22 June 1938.
Questions:
As an activist and public organizer, Rustmova was nominated and actively participated as a member of the electoral commission for the elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR. Gafurov began to persecute his wife even more strongly, and forced her to leave the collective farm and stop her work in the electoral commission.
Realizing his powerlessness to force his wife to submit to his influence, Gafurov decided to commit a terrorist act. The first time, he tried to kill his wife at night in their apartment, but Rustamova saved herself by running away. The second time, during the drying of the cotton crop, Gafurov again attacked his wife with a knife. This time, she was saved by the intervention of other collective farmers.
The third time, December 12, 1937, on the election day for the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, when Rustamova as a member of the electoral commission and busy with work on the elections, Gafurov forced his way into the village soviet and demanded that Rustomova immediately quit everything and return home. Rustamova refused and went into the electoral commission’s room. Following after her, Gafurov attacked his wife with a knife, but was restrained.
This matter was investigated on June 11-12 of this year [1938] in the village of ArzykTepe, in the presence of the collective farm’s Military tribunal SAVO composed of acting military jurist second rank comrade Pensin and court members lieutenants Anisenko and Spichkin.
The court determined that Gafurov is a descendant of a kulak-bai family, was a merchant, and has for the last few years lived on the income of his wife. The court sentenced Gafurov to be executed. The collective farm members attending the trial greeted the sentence with expressions of satisfaction.
Pravada Vostoka. ‘Defending the Rights of a Soviet Woman’, 22 June 1938.
Questions:
- What does the newspaper articulate about how women are treated socially?
- Were women protected against discrimination?
Remedial Herstory Editors. "28. 1950-1990 DECOLONIZING WOMEN." The Remedial Herstory Project. July 12, 2023. www.remedialherstory.com.
Primary AUTHOR: |
Jacqui Nelson
|
Primary Reviewer |
Kelsie Brook Eckert
|
Consulting Team |
Editors |
|
Kelsie Brook Eckert, Project Director
Coordinator of Social Studies Education at Plymouth State University Dr. Nancy Locklin-Sofer, Consultant Professor of History at Maryville College. Chloe Gardner, Consultant PhD Candidate in Religious Studies at Edinburgh University Dr. Whitney Howarth, Consultant Former Professor of History at Plymouth State University Jacqui Nelson, Consultant Teaching Lecturer of Military History at Plymouth State University Maria Concepcion Marquez Sandoval PhD Candidate in History at Arizona University |
Amy Flanders
Humanities Teacher, Moultonborough Academy ReviewersAncient:
Dr. Kristin Heineman Professor of History at Colorado State University Dr. Bonnie Rock-McCutcheon Professor of History at Wilson College Sarah Stone PhD Candidate in Religious Studies at Edinburgh University Medieval: Dr. Katherine Koh Professor of History at La Sierra University Dr. Jonathan Couser Professor of History at Plymouth State University Dr. Shahla Haeri Professor of History at Boston University Lauren Cole PhD Candidate in History at Northwestern University |
Black French Women and the Struggle for Equality, 1848–2016 explores how black women in France itself, the French Caribbean, Gorée, Dakar, Rufisque, and Saint-Louis experienced and reacted to French colonialism and how gendered readings of colonization, decolonization, and social movements cast new light on the history of French colonization and of black France.
Women, Empires, and Body Politics at the United Nations, 1946–1975 tells the story of how women’s bodies were at the center of the international politics of women’s rights in the postwar period. Giusi Russo focuses on the United Nation Commission on the Status of Women and its multiple interactions with the colonial and postcolonial worlds, showing how—depending on the setting and the inquiry—liberal, imperial, and transnational feminisms could coexist.
Black women living in the French empire played a key role in the decolonial movements of the mid-twentieth century. Thinkers and activists, these women lived lives of commitment and risk that landed them in war zones and concentration camps and saw them declared enemies of the state. Annette K. Joseph-Gabriel mines published writings and untapped archives to reveal the anticolonialist endeavors of seven women.
This book examines how and why Portugal and Spain increasingly engaged with women in their African colonies in the crucial period from the 1950s to the 1970s. It explores the rhetoric of benevolent Iberian colonialism, gendered Westernization, and development for African women as well as actual imperial practices – from forced resettlement to sexual exploitation to promoting domestic skills
In education, journalism, legislative politics, social justice, health, law, and other arenas, Muslim women across Kenya are emerging as leaders in local, national, and international contexts, advancing reforms through their activism. Muslim Women in Postcolonial Kenya draws on extensive interviews with six such women, revealing how their religious and moral beliefs shape reform movements that bridge ethnic divides and foster alliances in service of creating a just, multicultural, multiethnic, and multireligious democratic citizenship.
Post-Mandarin illustrates the significance of the inclusion of modern women in the world of letters: a more democratic system of aesthetic and political representation that gave rise to anticolonial nationalism. This conceptualization of the “post-mandarin” promises to have a significant impact on the fields of literary theory, postcolonial studies, East Asian and Southeast Asian studies, and modernist studies.
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Imbued with tenderness for her family and a critical view of the challenges facing French North African immigrants, Kaoutar Harchi’s probing account illustrates the deeply personal effects of political issues. Mixed with happy memories of her childhood home in eastern France are ever-present reminders of the dangers from which her parents sought to shield her. When they transfer her to a private, Catholic middle school—out of fear of Arab boys from their working-class neighborhood—Kaoutar grows increasingly conscious of her differences, and her conflicted sense of self.
Oklahoma Choctaw scholar Devon Abbott Mihesuah offers a frank and absorbing look at the complex, evolving identities of American Indigenous women today, their ongoing struggles against a centuries-old legacy of colonial disempowerment, and how they are seen and portrayed by themselves and others.
Despite a recent increase in the productivity and popularity of Indigenous playwrights in Canada, most critical and academic attention has been devoted to the work of male dramatists, leaving female writers on the margins. In Indigenous Women’s Theatre in Canada, Sarah MacKenzie addresses this critical gap by focusing on plays by Indigenous women written and produced in the socio-cultural milieux of twentieth and twenty-first century Canada.
Moving from small Philippine villages of the past to the hurricane-beaten coast of near-future Florida, When the Hibiscus Falls examines the triumphs and sorrows that connect generations of women. Daughters, sisters, mothers, aunties, cousins, and lolas commune with their ancestors and their descendants, mourning what is lost when an older generation dies, celebrating what is gained when we safeguard their legacy for those who come after us.
Indigenous women from the Americas are on the frontlines of activism in battles ranging from environmental protection, cultural and language revitalization and preservation, sovereignty campaigns, sexual violence, and human rights. This book introduces voices of Native activists blazing trails of resistance in new fields of engagement.
First published in 1999.Jyoti Puri draws on post-colonial and feminist theory to focus on how women in current-day India conceptualize their gender and sexuality. She provides a groundbreaking ethnographic study based on fifty-four middle- and upper-class Indian women, ranging from the ages of fifteen to thirty-eight. She argues that these women's narratives are shaped by not only the nation-state, but by transnational processes as well.
In an era marked by atrocities perpetrated on a grand scale, the tragedy of the so-called comfort women—mostly Korean women forced into prostitution by the Japanese army—endures as one of the darkest events of World War II. These women have usually been labeled victims of a war crime, a simplistic view that makes it easy to pin blame on the policies of imperial Japan and therefore easier to consign the episode to a war-torn past. In this revelatory study, C. Sarah Soh provocatively disputes this master narrative.
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This book presents a new approach to the understanding of non-normative sexuality and gender transgressive modes in South Asia and South Asian diaspora. It reconceives sexual representation from the point of view of the theoretical, political and empirical trajectories of decolonization, provincialization and neoliberalism to look at the role of historical contingency, postcolonial sexual politics and gender and sexual diversity. The volume brings together anthropological, historical, material and political analyses around South Asian sexual politics by exploring a range of themes, including culture, class, ethnicity, identity, intersectionality, migration, borders, diaspora, modernity and cosmopolitanism across various local, regional and global contexts.
Patrice Lumumba s legacy continues to fire the imagination of politicians, activists, and artists. But women have been missing from accounts of the Congo's decolonization. Gender and Decolonization in the Congo: The Legacy of Patrice Lumumba challenges male-centered interpretations of Congolese nationalism and illustrates how generic conventions both reinforced and undercut gender bias in representations of Lumumba and his female contemporaries.
This vibrant history of London in the twentieth century reveals the city as a key site in the development of black internationalism and anticolonialism. Marc Matera shows the significant contributions of people of African descent to London’s rich social and cultural history, masterfully weaving together the stories of many famous historical figures and presenting their quests for personal, professional, and political recognition against the backdrop of a declining British Empire.
In House/Garden/Nation the narratives of five Centro-Caribbean writers illustrate these times of transition: Dulce María Loynáz, from colonial rule to independence in Cuba; Jean Rhys, from colony to commonwealth in Dominica; Simone Schwarz-Bart, from slave to free labor in Guadeloupe; Gioconda Belli, from oligarchic capitalism to social democratic socialism in Nicaragua; and Teresa de la Parra, from independence to modernity in Venezuela. Focusing on the nation as garden, hacienda, or plantation, Rodríguez shows us these writers debating the predicament of women under nation formation from within the confines of marriage and home.
At a time when the situation of women in the Islamic world is of global interest, here is a study that unlocks the mystery of why women's fates vary so greatly from one country to another. Mounira M. Charrad analyzes the distinctive nature of Islamic legal codes by placing them in the larger context of state power in various societies. This book will interest readers in the fields of sociology, politics, law, women's studies, postcolonial studies, Middle Eastern studies, Middle Eastern history, French history, and Maghrib studies.
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Yamina Taleb is approaching her seventieth birthday. These days, she strives for a quiet life, grateful to the country that hosts her and her adored family. The closest she gets to drama is scooping ‘revolutionary’ bargains in the form of plastic kitchenware gadgets. But Yamina’s children feel differently about life in Paris. They don’t always fit in, and it hurts. When the Talebs go away together on holiday – not to the motherland, but to a villa-with-pool rental near the Atlantic coast – they come to realize just how strongly family defines our sense of belonging.
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Adua, an immigrant from Somalia, has lived in Italy nearly forty years. She came seeking freedom from a strict father and an oppressive regime, but her dreams of becoming a film star ended in shame. A searing novel about a young immigrant woman’s dream of finding freedom in Rome and the bittersweet legacies of her African past.
Ante body is a poetics of [un]rest. A project that started as an exploration of how the psychological impacts of migration and complex traumas manifest as autoimmune disease and grew into a critique of the ongoing unjust conditions that brought on the global pandemic. Continuing her use of the invented poetic form, the Arabic, and integrating Fred Moten’s concept of “the ANTE,” Helal creates an elliptical reading experience in which content and form interrogate the inner workings of patriarchy, capitalism, nationalism, and globalism.
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bibliography
Strayer, R. and Nelson, E., Ways Of The World. 3rd ed. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2016.