3. Rights and responsibilities
The United States affords rights and also responsibilities to its citizens. For centuries, women’s second class status barred them from both. They didn’t have the same rights as men and could not be fully responsible citizens by serving on juries or in combat roles in the military, for example. Over time, women struggled to gain equal rights and responsibilities as citizens, but much work remains.
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The US Constitution never mentioned women. In fact, women were explicitly excluded in a system in which women, children, and enslaved people were treated as property of the male head of a household. Tis system was founded on the assumption that women didn’t need full citizenship because they were represented by their father, brother, or husband. Abigail Adams wrote a now famous letter to her husband, John, who was representing Massachusetts during the Constitutional Convention. She told him to “remember the ladies” in the new government because, “men would be tyrants.” His response reflected the general opinion of men, especially those in leadership at the time. He said, “I cannot but laugh.” There would be no voice for women in this new government.
A Brief History of Women’s Rights Struggles to Suffrage
The first step in establishing women’s rights in the United States was giving women a voice. Adams wrote her letter from within the confines of her home. Women had to be bold enough to leave the domestic sphere and speak about issues that affected them. In the early 19th century, women navigated the social expectation of their silence by writing their ideas. Many elite women became prolific writers, some even turning their writing into profitable careers. Catherine and Harriet Beecher, Margaret Fuller, and Sarah Josepha Hale among others were well known writers and thinkers in their time. Even enslaved and formerly enslaved women such as Phillis Wheatley, Charlotte Forten, and Harriet Jacobs wrote about political issues relating to women..
At first, women were drawn into the “messy world“ of politics by the issues of temperance and abolition. Temperance was the movement to ban or limit alcohol consumption, particularly by men who drank away their wages and were sometimes violent at home. The abolition movement sought to end slavery. Both of these issues were seen as extensions of women’s natural role as caregivers and housekeepers. Since slavery was a domestic institution, it made sense that women would be involved in the movement to end it. Women began writing about the imperative to end slavery and were forceful public speakers on the issue.
These “talking women“ were somewhat of a novelty, and people would come from far and wide to listen to them, not necessarily because they were persuaded by their ideas but mostly because they found women to present a rather comical spectacle. No one exemplifies this better than Fanny Wright, who was far ahead of her time in terms of her ideas. Sarah and Angelina Grimke, two wealthy sisters who inherited slaves as children, turned against the institution and traveled the country speaking out against slavery. These talking women were seen as unsexing themselves. Sometimes, they were even likened to whores. At some of the Grimke sisters' talks, mobs of people would turn up in protest. The women even received death threats. It wasn’t what they were talking about, but that women were talking in public that was the problem.
By the end of the 19th century, women had established themselves in legitimized political organizations. The Women’s Christian Temperance Union was the largest women’s organization of the period. They were active in the abolition movement. When slavery was abolished with the 13th amendment, they shifted gears to focus on women’s suffrage.
At the dawn of the twentieth century, women were increasingly graduating from college. With the outbreak of World War I, they were needed in factories, the Marines, and almost every industry to support the economy. Finally, after decades of fighting for suffrage, women won it with the 19th amendment to the Constitution..
The history of temperance, abolition, and suffrage is rich and each topic was given substantial attention in the US History and World History chapters.
A Brief History of Women’s Rights Struggles to Suffrage
The first step in establishing women’s rights in the United States was giving women a voice. Adams wrote her letter from within the confines of her home. Women had to be bold enough to leave the domestic sphere and speak about issues that affected them. In the early 19th century, women navigated the social expectation of their silence by writing their ideas. Many elite women became prolific writers, some even turning their writing into profitable careers. Catherine and Harriet Beecher, Margaret Fuller, and Sarah Josepha Hale among others were well known writers and thinkers in their time. Even enslaved and formerly enslaved women such as Phillis Wheatley, Charlotte Forten, and Harriet Jacobs wrote about political issues relating to women..
At first, women were drawn into the “messy world“ of politics by the issues of temperance and abolition. Temperance was the movement to ban or limit alcohol consumption, particularly by men who drank away their wages and were sometimes violent at home. The abolition movement sought to end slavery. Both of these issues were seen as extensions of women’s natural role as caregivers and housekeepers. Since slavery was a domestic institution, it made sense that women would be involved in the movement to end it. Women began writing about the imperative to end slavery and were forceful public speakers on the issue.
These “talking women“ were somewhat of a novelty, and people would come from far and wide to listen to them, not necessarily because they were persuaded by their ideas but mostly because they found women to present a rather comical spectacle. No one exemplifies this better than Fanny Wright, who was far ahead of her time in terms of her ideas. Sarah and Angelina Grimke, two wealthy sisters who inherited slaves as children, turned against the institution and traveled the country speaking out against slavery. These talking women were seen as unsexing themselves. Sometimes, they were even likened to whores. At some of the Grimke sisters' talks, mobs of people would turn up in protest. The women even received death threats. It wasn’t what they were talking about, but that women were talking in public that was the problem.
By the end of the 19th century, women had established themselves in legitimized political organizations. The Women’s Christian Temperance Union was the largest women’s organization of the period. They were active in the abolition movement. When slavery was abolished with the 13th amendment, they shifted gears to focus on women’s suffrage.
At the dawn of the twentieth century, women were increasingly graduating from college. With the outbreak of World War I, they were needed in factories, the Marines, and almost every industry to support the economy. Finally, after decades of fighting for suffrage, women won it with the 19th amendment to the Constitution..
The history of temperance, abolition, and suffrage is rich and each topic was given substantial attention in the US History and World History chapters.

How the Vote Changed Women’s Rights
The women’s vote was from the very beginning fragmented. Since the very first election, women held varying views on race, class, and region, just like men. Southern white women, for instance, argued in the early 20th century that giving white women the vote would increase white voting power and prevent Black Americans, especially Black men, from having an influential vote. This argument, embedded in racial prejudice, became a persuasive factor in the South, where many white suffragists appealed to white supremacy to gain suffrage support.
Black women became a distinctive, cohesive voting bloc. After gaining suffrage, Black women rallied around civil rights and economic justice. They advocated for voting rights protections and education access, which became prominent during the Civil Rights Movement and beyond. Black women were active organizers in both the early suffrage movement and in later political sarenas, especially as they faced unique challenges from both racism and sexism. Notably, recent election cycles show Black women voters remain one of the most unified and politically consistent demographics in the U.S., with 92% of Black women voting for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election—a significant political statement on representation and progressive change.
While the 19th Amendment granted women the right to vote, its impact was uneven. The amendment primarily benefited white women in practice, as Black, Indigenous, Asian, and Lattina women continued to face significant voting restrictions. The amendment nonetheless marked the beginning of a broader shift toward women’s political engagement, setting the foundation for women’s roles in public office and policy influence. In the immediate aftermath of suffrage, women began organizing around social issues such as prohibition, child welfare, and healthcare reform, leading to greater visibility in public debates.
Women activists like Carrie Chapman Catt used their political skills to push for legislation related to labor rights, workplace safety, and maternity health. The 1921 Sheppard-Towner Act, for instance, focused on improving maternal and infant health, spurred in part by new women voters and advocacy groups.
The women’s vote was from the very beginning fragmented. Since the very first election, women held varying views on race, class, and region, just like men. Southern white women, for instance, argued in the early 20th century that giving white women the vote would increase white voting power and prevent Black Americans, especially Black men, from having an influential vote. This argument, embedded in racial prejudice, became a persuasive factor in the South, where many white suffragists appealed to white supremacy to gain suffrage support.
Black women became a distinctive, cohesive voting bloc. After gaining suffrage, Black women rallied around civil rights and economic justice. They advocated for voting rights protections and education access, which became prominent during the Civil Rights Movement and beyond. Black women were active organizers in both the early suffrage movement and in later political sarenas, especially as they faced unique challenges from both racism and sexism. Notably, recent election cycles show Black women voters remain one of the most unified and politically consistent demographics in the U.S., with 92% of Black women voting for Kamala Harris in the 2024 election—a significant political statement on representation and progressive change.
While the 19th Amendment granted women the right to vote, its impact was uneven. The amendment primarily benefited white women in practice, as Black, Indigenous, Asian, and Lattina women continued to face significant voting restrictions. The amendment nonetheless marked the beginning of a broader shift toward women’s political engagement, setting the foundation for women’s roles in public office and policy influence. In the immediate aftermath of suffrage, women began organizing around social issues such as prohibition, child welfare, and healthcare reform, leading to greater visibility in public debates.
Women activists like Carrie Chapman Catt used their political skills to push for legislation related to labor rights, workplace safety, and maternity health. The 1921 Sheppard-Towner Act, for instance, focused on improving maternal and infant health, spurred in part by new women voters and advocacy groups.

The vote catalyzed a broader movement for legal equality, culminating in mid-century legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Although initially more focused on racial equality, these acts also laid the groundwork for gender equality protections, recognizing that discrimination based on race and gender were often intertwined.
Figures like Ruth Bader Ginsburg built upon these early changes to challenge discriminatory laws. Ginsburg, in particular, focused on dismantling gender-based legal restrictions through cases like Moritz v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue. In this 1972 case, Ginsburg challenged tax laws that denied male caregivers the same benefits given to women in similar roles. By framing gender equality as beneficial to both men and women, she addressed entrenched legal discrimination. Ginsburg’s work highlighted how voting rights and increased representation influenced judicial and legal systems, contributing to the broader recognition of gender equality.
The vote encouraged women to speak out on issues affecting them beyond traditional “women’s issues.” Activism around intersectional issues—such as race, class, and gender—emerged as women recognized that their experiences in society were not uniform. Black women, for example, advocated for economic justice, labor rights, and social reforms, understanding that gender equality could not be separated from racial equality.
Following suffrage, organizations like the League of Women Voters and later the National Organization for Women (NOW) took on the role of educating voters, supporting policy changes, and pushing for representation across racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic lines. These organizations were instrumental in later movements such as the push for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and women’s reproductive rights. They continue to influence policy debates today.
While the right to vote was a pivotal achievement, it was only the first step in a larger journey toward equality. Suffrage laid the groundwork for women’s political agency, which has grown and diversified over the years. The emergence of Black women as a powerful and unified voting bloc reflects the continued impact of the 19th Amendment and women’s rights activism. Today, women’s voting power continues to shape American politics, influencing policies on issues ranging from healthcare to civil rights and demonstrating that while the path has been uneven, the right to vote significantly altered the trajectory of women’s rights.
Figures like Ruth Bader Ginsburg built upon these early changes to challenge discriminatory laws. Ginsburg, in particular, focused on dismantling gender-based legal restrictions through cases like Moritz v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue. In this 1972 case, Ginsburg challenged tax laws that denied male caregivers the same benefits given to women in similar roles. By framing gender equality as beneficial to both men and women, she addressed entrenched legal discrimination. Ginsburg’s work highlighted how voting rights and increased representation influenced judicial and legal systems, contributing to the broader recognition of gender equality.
The vote encouraged women to speak out on issues affecting them beyond traditional “women’s issues.” Activism around intersectional issues—such as race, class, and gender—emerged as women recognized that their experiences in society were not uniform. Black women, for example, advocated for economic justice, labor rights, and social reforms, understanding that gender equality could not be separated from racial equality.
Following suffrage, organizations like the League of Women Voters and later the National Organization for Women (NOW) took on the role of educating voters, supporting policy changes, and pushing for representation across racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic lines. These organizations were instrumental in later movements such as the push for the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) and women’s reproductive rights. They continue to influence policy debates today.
While the right to vote was a pivotal achievement, it was only the first step in a larger journey toward equality. Suffrage laid the groundwork for women’s political agency, which has grown and diversified over the years. The emergence of Black women as a powerful and unified voting bloc reflects the continued impact of the 19th Amendment and women’s rights activism. Today, women’s voting power continues to shape American politics, influencing policies on issues ranging from healthcare to civil rights and demonstrating that while the path has been uneven, the right to vote significantly altered the trajectory of women’s rights.

Women’s Rights are Civil Rights
Women’s rights ran parallel to another important movement of the period, equal access to educational opportunities. With equal access to education, women were more empowered and eager to assume leadership roles in movements for social and political change.
Patsy Mink, an Asian-American member of the U.S. House of Representatives, co-authored and sponsored the Title IX legislation, officially known as the Education Amendments of 1972 to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title IX banned discrimination on the basis of sex in schools receiving public funding. This legislation was interpreted to protect girls from sexual harassment and discrimination. It ensured that if an opportunity existed for boys, it should exist for girls too. Mink was a strong advocate for gender equality and worked tirelessly to eliminate gender-based discrimination in education. Patsy Mink's personal experiences and her commitment to equal opportunity for women in education fueled her dedication to this cause.
Title IX, in its early years, had the largest impact on girls and women’s sports in high school and college, which had often been an afterthought. Girls teams were often given the boys hand-me-downs and received little, if any funding. In one case, a girls basketball game was canceled mid game so the boys team could practice. To add insult to injury, at the University of Michigan, dogs were allowed in the stadium, but not girls sports fans. The notion that girls might one day be the featured athletic talent was a distant dream.
Title IX required schools to treat boys and girls equally, so sports teams needed to be funded proportionally to the numbers of athletic scholarships funded for men and women. This required major changes in how schools budgeted for their sports teams and the mostly male coaches and administrators were not thrilled. Battles over Title IX erupted in schools and courts around the country.
In 1976, 19 female college athletes from Yale protested the unfair treatment of women in sports. The women's rowing team lacked facilities, including locker rooms, bathrooms, and an equipment manager. The athletes stripped off their uniforms to reveal "Title IX" written on their bodies, drawing attention to the landmark legislation. Their action addressed the violations of Title IX, as the university neglected their needs while providing better facilities for male athletes. The protest highlighted gender disparities. After protracted legal battles, Title IX ensured greater access to athletic scholarships, improved facilities, and increased participation in sports for women, fostering personal growth, health, and empowerment.
Women’s rights ran parallel to another important movement of the period, equal access to educational opportunities. With equal access to education, women were more empowered and eager to assume leadership roles in movements for social and political change.
Patsy Mink, an Asian-American member of the U.S. House of Representatives, co-authored and sponsored the Title IX legislation, officially known as the Education Amendments of 1972 to the Civil Rights Act of 1964. Title IX banned discrimination on the basis of sex in schools receiving public funding. This legislation was interpreted to protect girls from sexual harassment and discrimination. It ensured that if an opportunity existed for boys, it should exist for girls too. Mink was a strong advocate for gender equality and worked tirelessly to eliminate gender-based discrimination in education. Patsy Mink's personal experiences and her commitment to equal opportunity for women in education fueled her dedication to this cause.
Title IX, in its early years, had the largest impact on girls and women’s sports in high school and college, which had often been an afterthought. Girls teams were often given the boys hand-me-downs and received little, if any funding. In one case, a girls basketball game was canceled mid game so the boys team could practice. To add insult to injury, at the University of Michigan, dogs were allowed in the stadium, but not girls sports fans. The notion that girls might one day be the featured athletic talent was a distant dream.
Title IX required schools to treat boys and girls equally, so sports teams needed to be funded proportionally to the numbers of athletic scholarships funded for men and women. This required major changes in how schools budgeted for their sports teams and the mostly male coaches and administrators were not thrilled. Battles over Title IX erupted in schools and courts around the country.
In 1976, 19 female college athletes from Yale protested the unfair treatment of women in sports. The women's rowing team lacked facilities, including locker rooms, bathrooms, and an equipment manager. The athletes stripped off their uniforms to reveal "Title IX" written on their bodies, drawing attention to the landmark legislation. Their action addressed the violations of Title IX, as the university neglected their needs while providing better facilities for male athletes. The protest highlighted gender disparities. After protracted legal battles, Title IX ensured greater access to athletic scholarships, improved facilities, and increased participation in sports for women, fostering personal growth, health, and empowerment.

But while Title IX made headlines for sports, probably the most significant impact was curbing discrimination that had long term impacts on women’s future careers and lives. In schools girls had been segregated into classes that taught them the skills of a housekeeper, while boys learned a trade or more “serious” college academics. Girls who took those courses were often the only females in the room and faced harassment from the teachers and students alike.
When Harvard law school admitted women in the late 1950s, a professor looked out at the first year class and made all the women stand and explain why they were taking a spot from a man. Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a future Supreme Court Justice, was in one of those classes.
Several supreme court cases protected students from harassment by their peers and teachers. In the 1999 case, Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education, the Supreme Court clarified the rules for holding schools responsible for student-on-student sexual harassment under Title IX. The case involved a fifth-grade student named LaShonda Davis, who was sexually harassed by another student. Despite LaShonda's complaints, the school did not take action. LaShonda's parents sued the school board, claiming that the school had violated Title IX.
The Supreme Court decided that a school district can be held responsible for student-on-student sexual harassment if they knew about it and do nothing and if the harassment was severe, widespread, and created an unfriendly environment that affected the victim's education. This ruling stated that schools must address and prevent sexual harassment between students to ensure a safe learning environment.
Another case protected students from teacher harassment. In Gebser v. Lago Vista Independent School District the Supreme Court dealt with the issue of liability for sexual harassment by a school employee under Title IX. Alida Star Gebser, a student, had a sexual relationship with a teacher at Lago Vista High School. Gebser and her mother sued the school district, claiming that the school knew about the teacher's misconduct but did not take appropriate action. The Supreme Court decided that a school district can be held responsible for sexual harassment by a teacher under Title IX if they had actual knowledge of the harassment and ignored it. So basically, the government consistently held that schools should be free from harassment so that kids can go there to learn.
Title IX gave women a chance at equal opportunities in school. Girls learned how to be leaders through their engagement in sports and over the next several decades not only matched men in college graduation rates, but surpassed them. (The concern for the status of boys with respect to academic achievement is valid and important). But did that equality extend beyond school? What happened when girls entered the world?
When Harvard law school admitted women in the late 1950s, a professor looked out at the first year class and made all the women stand and explain why they were taking a spot from a man. Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a future Supreme Court Justice, was in one of those classes.
Several supreme court cases protected students from harassment by their peers and teachers. In the 1999 case, Davis v. Monroe County Board of Education, the Supreme Court clarified the rules for holding schools responsible for student-on-student sexual harassment under Title IX. The case involved a fifth-grade student named LaShonda Davis, who was sexually harassed by another student. Despite LaShonda's complaints, the school did not take action. LaShonda's parents sued the school board, claiming that the school had violated Title IX.
The Supreme Court decided that a school district can be held responsible for student-on-student sexual harassment if they knew about it and do nothing and if the harassment was severe, widespread, and created an unfriendly environment that affected the victim's education. This ruling stated that schools must address and prevent sexual harassment between students to ensure a safe learning environment.
Another case protected students from teacher harassment. In Gebser v. Lago Vista Independent School District the Supreme Court dealt with the issue of liability for sexual harassment by a school employee under Title IX. Alida Star Gebser, a student, had a sexual relationship with a teacher at Lago Vista High School. Gebser and her mother sued the school district, claiming that the school knew about the teacher's misconduct but did not take appropriate action. The Supreme Court decided that a school district can be held responsible for sexual harassment by a teacher under Title IX if they had actual knowledge of the harassment and ignored it. So basically, the government consistently held that schools should be free from harassment so that kids can go there to learn.
Title IX gave women a chance at equal opportunities in school. Girls learned how to be leaders through their engagement in sports and over the next several decades not only matched men in college graduation rates, but surpassed them. (The concern for the status of boys with respect to academic achievement is valid and important). But did that equality extend beyond school? What happened when girls entered the world?

The Equal Rights Amendment
In 1868, the 14th Amendment aimed to grant equal protection and voting rights to former slaves, specifically male slaves, without considering the rights of female slaves or women of any race. Myra Bradwell was a law school graduate who challenged the Illinois Supreme Court's refusal to allow her to practice law. She argued that this decision violated the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause, but the Court disagreed. They found that the 14th Amendment did not compel states to admit women to the legal profession.
After women won suffrage in 1920, prominent suffragists knew the fight for social equality wasn’t over. In 1923, Alice Paul and the National Women’s Party proposed the ERA. The ERA was intended to remove all legal barriers to women’s equality in one sweeping amendment rather than tackling one sexist law at a time. The NWP believed the amendment would cost less than state-by-state legislative challenges and bring permanent equality to women in the country by enshrining the concept in the Constitution. The ERA was introduced in every session of Congress but failed to make it out of committee. In the 1940s both the Republican and Democratic party endorsed the ERA in their platforms. Despite the support, the ERA failed to move forward with many women’s organizations in opposition due to the belief that it would invalidate protective labor laws they fought for during the Progressive era for women.
In the 1970s, the Supreme Court began applying the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause to sex discrimination cases, stating that differential treatment based on gender was prohibited unless serving an "important governmental objective." This reflected major social changes and attitudes of the day.
In 1868, the 14th Amendment aimed to grant equal protection and voting rights to former slaves, specifically male slaves, without considering the rights of female slaves or women of any race. Myra Bradwell was a law school graduate who challenged the Illinois Supreme Court's refusal to allow her to practice law. She argued that this decision violated the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause, but the Court disagreed. They found that the 14th Amendment did not compel states to admit women to the legal profession.
After women won suffrage in 1920, prominent suffragists knew the fight for social equality wasn’t over. In 1923, Alice Paul and the National Women’s Party proposed the ERA. The ERA was intended to remove all legal barriers to women’s equality in one sweeping amendment rather than tackling one sexist law at a time. The NWP believed the amendment would cost less than state-by-state legislative challenges and bring permanent equality to women in the country by enshrining the concept in the Constitution. The ERA was introduced in every session of Congress but failed to make it out of committee. In the 1940s both the Republican and Democratic party endorsed the ERA in their platforms. Despite the support, the ERA failed to move forward with many women’s organizations in opposition due to the belief that it would invalidate protective labor laws they fought for during the Progressive era for women.
In the 1970s, the Supreme Court began applying the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause to sex discrimination cases, stating that differential treatment based on gender was prohibited unless serving an "important governmental objective." This reflected major social changes and attitudes of the day.

Then, ERA supporters convinced Senator Birch Bayh (D, IN) to hold Congressional hearings on the amendment in the Senate and Representative Martha Griffiths filed a motion to discharge the ERA from the House Judiciary Committee. During debate over the amendment, women presented evidence for the necessity of a Constitutional amendment. They claimed sex discrimination was still more the rule than the exception in America. For example, in some states height requirements for police forces were set to exclude women, and in other states public assistance programs provided less food for women. Congress found that college admissions discriminated against women. Finally in 1972, almost 50 years after it was first introduced, Congress passed the Equal Rights Amendment reading “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex.” According to the Constitution, a proposed amendment must be ratified by three-fourth of the states. Congress set a seven year deadline for ratification of the ERA.
Within the first year, twenty-two states approved the ERA and eight more ratified in 1973. Supporters believed the amendment would quickly become a part of the U.S. Constitution. However, they underestimated the opposition and failed to develop a strategy to successfully combat their arguments. The leader of the opposition was a conservative from Illinois, Phyllis Schlafly. She used her nationwide newsletter to campaign against the ERA and create an opposition organization, STOP ERA, meaning Stop Taking Our Privileges. She and members of the organization traveled to states to testify against the ERA.
Opponents contended the amendment was unnecessary because women’s rights were already protected. They pointed to the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth amendment, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the variety of recent legislation as evidence. Opponents argued that women could use the existing laws to challenge discrimination in the courts.
The opposition focused much of the debate on how the ERA would erode traditional family values and have negative unintended consequences. Schlafly said that trying to achieve women’s goals through the ERA was “like trying to kill a fly with a sledgehammer. You won’t kill the fly, but you surely will break up some of the furniture.” Opponents argued that women had special privileges due to their gender that the ERA would eliminate. They claimed the ERA would require women to contribute equally to the family’s income. Therefore, they claimed the amendment would force women into the workforce. Opponents also contended that ERA would erode states’ rights and destroy the traditional family structure in America. It would take issues related to the sexes and the family out of state control. The amendment would invalidate state laws related to such things as divorce, child custody, alimony and inheritance.
The ERA, opponents maintained, would have broader impacts on society as well. Women would be drafted and sent into combat where they would have to perform tasks they were not able to handle. Opponents argued this would be dangerous for the country. They also claimed the ERA would lead to sexual sameness and lead to unisex restrooms and an end to gender specific organizations like the Boy Scouts. Opponents also asserted the ERA would allow homosexuality in society and legalize same sex marriages since it would not allow any distinctions based on sex. The amendment, according to opponents, would lead to societal chaos
Within the first year, twenty-two states approved the ERA and eight more ratified in 1973. Supporters believed the amendment would quickly become a part of the U.S. Constitution. However, they underestimated the opposition and failed to develop a strategy to successfully combat their arguments. The leader of the opposition was a conservative from Illinois, Phyllis Schlafly. She used her nationwide newsletter to campaign against the ERA and create an opposition organization, STOP ERA, meaning Stop Taking Our Privileges. She and members of the organization traveled to states to testify against the ERA.
Opponents contended the amendment was unnecessary because women’s rights were already protected. They pointed to the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth amendment, the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the variety of recent legislation as evidence. Opponents argued that women could use the existing laws to challenge discrimination in the courts.
The opposition focused much of the debate on how the ERA would erode traditional family values and have negative unintended consequences. Schlafly said that trying to achieve women’s goals through the ERA was “like trying to kill a fly with a sledgehammer. You won’t kill the fly, but you surely will break up some of the furniture.” Opponents argued that women had special privileges due to their gender that the ERA would eliminate. They claimed the ERA would require women to contribute equally to the family’s income. Therefore, they claimed the amendment would force women into the workforce. Opponents also contended that ERA would erode states’ rights and destroy the traditional family structure in America. It would take issues related to the sexes and the family out of state control. The amendment would invalidate state laws related to such things as divorce, child custody, alimony and inheritance.
The ERA, opponents maintained, would have broader impacts on society as well. Women would be drafted and sent into combat where they would have to perform tasks they were not able to handle. Opponents argued this would be dangerous for the country. They also claimed the ERA would lead to sexual sameness and lead to unisex restrooms and an end to gender specific organizations like the Boy Scouts. Opponents also asserted the ERA would allow homosexuality in society and legalize same sex marriages since it would not allow any distinctions based on sex. The amendment, according to opponents, would lead to societal chaos

Proponents of the ERA found themselves on the defensive and were forced to confront their opponents’ concerns. The opponents successfully shifted much of the debate on the ERA away from the constitutional principles to the claim that the amendment would create radical change to American society. Supporters continued to demonstrate the need for the amendment as well as refute opponents’ claims.
The Fourteenth amendment was not adequate protection for women, supporters declared. They pointed to the many instances of discrimination against women since the Fourteenth amendment’s passage. For example, if the due process and equal protection clauses found in the Fourteenth truly protected women’s rights, then the Nineteenth amendment, guaranteeing women the right to vote, would not have been necessary. Federal legislation, supporters pointed out, were full of loopholes, subject to change, and not comprehensive. Proponents also said that courts routinely did not interpret the Fourteenth amendment in ways that truly protected women. Fighting discrimination on a case by case basis was expensive and time consuming. The ERA was needed to enshrine women’s rights fully into the Constitution and end continued discriminatory practices found across the country. Passage of ERA would send a clear message that the nation was committed to its core value, equality for all.
Constitutional and legal scholars concluded the the ERA would not hurt states’ rights and that the amendment did not prevent legislation that makes distinctions between physical characteristics. While supporters conceded the ERA would make women eligible for the draft, they argued this was a positive consequence since it would increase opportunities for women in the armed services. Current restrictions based on sex hurt a woman’s chance of reaching the standing of general and the ERA would open jobs such as pilots, navigators, and flight engineers which were closed to women. Supporters said if women expected the same rights as men, they must be willing to take on the responsibility of defending the country.
Supporters asserted the amendment would not radically change the American family structure. They said the protection of women as wives and mothers depended on mutual affection between men and women and not the law. The ERA, proponents argued, would not force women into the workforce but actually help recognize the contributions made by women in the home.
By 1977, only thirty five states had ratified the ERA, leaving it three states short of the necessary three-fourths to become a part of the Constitution. The original congressional deadline was set to expire in March 1979. Arguing that the ERA was still being actively debated in the states, Congress granted a three year extension until 1982. As long as there were vocal opponents to the ERA, especially large groups of women, state legislators felt confident in voting against it. Therefore, despite the extension, the Equal Rights Amendment fell three states short of the thirty-eight states needed to become a part of the U.S. Constitution.
Opponents of the amendment celebrated while proponents attempted to regroup and devise a new plan of action. NOW promised to work toward defeating anti-ERA legislators across the country. The fight for the ERA had held together the women’s movement for a long time. With its defeat, the women’s liberation movement lost momentum and gradually declined. Groups fragmented while continuing to fight for various women’s issues.
The Fourteenth amendment was not adequate protection for women, supporters declared. They pointed to the many instances of discrimination against women since the Fourteenth amendment’s passage. For example, if the due process and equal protection clauses found in the Fourteenth truly protected women’s rights, then the Nineteenth amendment, guaranteeing women the right to vote, would not have been necessary. Federal legislation, supporters pointed out, were full of loopholes, subject to change, and not comprehensive. Proponents also said that courts routinely did not interpret the Fourteenth amendment in ways that truly protected women. Fighting discrimination on a case by case basis was expensive and time consuming. The ERA was needed to enshrine women’s rights fully into the Constitution and end continued discriminatory practices found across the country. Passage of ERA would send a clear message that the nation was committed to its core value, equality for all.
Constitutional and legal scholars concluded the the ERA would not hurt states’ rights and that the amendment did not prevent legislation that makes distinctions between physical characteristics. While supporters conceded the ERA would make women eligible for the draft, they argued this was a positive consequence since it would increase opportunities for women in the armed services. Current restrictions based on sex hurt a woman’s chance of reaching the standing of general and the ERA would open jobs such as pilots, navigators, and flight engineers which were closed to women. Supporters said if women expected the same rights as men, they must be willing to take on the responsibility of defending the country.
Supporters asserted the amendment would not radically change the American family structure. They said the protection of women as wives and mothers depended on mutual affection between men and women and not the law. The ERA, proponents argued, would not force women into the workforce but actually help recognize the contributions made by women in the home.
By 1977, only thirty five states had ratified the ERA, leaving it three states short of the necessary three-fourths to become a part of the Constitution. The original congressional deadline was set to expire in March 1979. Arguing that the ERA was still being actively debated in the states, Congress granted a three year extension until 1982. As long as there were vocal opponents to the ERA, especially large groups of women, state legislators felt confident in voting against it. Therefore, despite the extension, the Equal Rights Amendment fell three states short of the thirty-eight states needed to become a part of the U.S. Constitution.
Opponents of the amendment celebrated while proponents attempted to regroup and devise a new plan of action. NOW promised to work toward defeating anti-ERA legislators across the country. The fight for the ERA had held together the women’s movement for a long time. With its defeat, the women’s liberation movement lost momentum and gradually declined. Groups fragmented while continuing to fight for various women’s issues.

Is the Equal Rights Amendment necessary today?
With the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022 in the Dobbs decision, proponents of the ERA who had insisted on the importance of gender protection beyond the 14th Amendment have found some justification. Despite occasional interpretations benefiting women, the 14th Amendment provides no guaranteed assurances. Advocates argue that the Equal Rights Amendment would mandate the highest level of strict judicial review, ensuring consistent and robust legal protection against discrimination.
Recently there has been a resurgence in women's activism, exemplified by events like the Women's March on Washington, the #MeToo Movement, and the increased representation of women in Congress and state legislatures in 2018. This renewed focus on gender equality has brought the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) back into the national spotlight, with lawmakers and advocacy groups, such as the ERA Coalition, advocating for its adoption.
Proponents argue that the ERA, if adopted, can contribute to advancing equality in the twenty-first century. The momentum behind the ERA gained public attention in 2017 when Nevada became the first state to ratify it since 1977. This trend continued in 2018 when the Illinois legislature followed suit. The push for the ERA has garnered increased support from the Republican party with each new ratification. Legal and procedural challenges surround the ERA's revival. The key legal questions include whether Congress can act to lift the ERA's deadline and whether states can retract their support. Despite Virginia's recent ratification, the legal and policy debates surrounding the ERA are likely to persist.
With the overturning of Roe v. Wade in 2022 in the Dobbs decision, proponents of the ERA who had insisted on the importance of gender protection beyond the 14th Amendment have found some justification. Despite occasional interpretations benefiting women, the 14th Amendment provides no guaranteed assurances. Advocates argue that the Equal Rights Amendment would mandate the highest level of strict judicial review, ensuring consistent and robust legal protection against discrimination.
Recently there has been a resurgence in women's activism, exemplified by events like the Women's March on Washington, the #MeToo Movement, and the increased representation of women in Congress and state legislatures in 2018. This renewed focus on gender equality has brought the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) back into the national spotlight, with lawmakers and advocacy groups, such as the ERA Coalition, advocating for its adoption.
Proponents argue that the ERA, if adopted, can contribute to advancing equality in the twenty-first century. The momentum behind the ERA gained public attention in 2017 when Nevada became the first state to ratify it since 1977. This trend continued in 2018 when the Illinois legislature followed suit. The push for the ERA has garnered increased support from the Republican party with each new ratification. Legal and procedural challenges surround the ERA's revival. The key legal questions include whether Congress can act to lift the ERA's deadline and whether states can retract their support. Despite Virginia's recent ratification, the legal and policy debates surrounding the ERA are likely to persist.
Draw your own conclusions
Learn how to teach with inquiry.
Many of these lesson plans were sponsored in part by the Library of Congress Teaching with Primary Sources Eastern Region Program, coordinated by Waynesburg University, the History and Social Studies Education Faculty at Plymouth State University, and the Patrons of the Remedial Herstory Project. |
Lesson Plans from Other Organizations
- The National Women's History Museum has lesson plans on women's history.
- The Guilder Lehrman Institute for American History has lesson plans on women's history.
- The NY Historical Society has articles and classroom activities for teaching women's history.
- Unladylike 2020, in partnership with PBS, has primary sources to explore with students and outstanding videos on women from the Progressive era.
- The Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media has produced recommendations for teaching women's history with primary sources and provided a collection of sources for world history. Check them out!
- The Stanford History Education Group has a number of lesson plans about women in US History.
Period Specific Lesson Plans from Other Organizations
- C3 Teachers: This inquiry leads students through an investigation of the LGBTQ+ movement, primarily driven by the history of the movement through various accounts and perspectives. The compelling question—What makes a movement successful?—does not address whether or not the movement was successful, but instead assesses the components of a movement and whether the movement is in a period of growth or has already peaked. Although the focus of this inquiry is on the LGBTQ+ movement, parallels can be drawn to other social movements in history with respect to organization, activism, and overall execution, including the Civil Rights Movement or the women’s suffrage and rights movements. Specifically, this inquiry looks at four different aspects that can potentially shape a movement in its foundation as well as its rise, namely public reaction, government leaders and policies, Supreme Court cases, and personal experiences. Throughout the inquiry, students will examine each individual aspect independently, evaluating the merits, strengths, and significance of each provided source in the “Movement Analysis Organization Chart,” but the summative task will require a compilation and synthesis of the sources in this investigation in order to form an argument to address the compelling question.
- Voices of Democracy: In the speech Clinton positioned the United States as the moral authority in monitoring and enforcing sanctions for global human trafficking, while at the same time reiterating the importance of international cooperation and partnerships.
- Clio: In 1972, feminists in Washington, D.C. founded the nation’s first rape crisis center. Other centers were soon established across the country. In 1994, Congress passed the Violence Against Women Act (VAWA). The act was created in response to the nation-wide, grassroots work of activists concerned with domestic violence, sexual assault, date rape, and stalking. This lesson introduces students to the history of efforts to stop violence against women.
- National Women’s History Museum: How has the Supreme Court shaped the lives of American women between 1908-2005? Students will analyze one of four Supreme Court cases that relate to the constitutional rights of women decided between 1908-2005. Students will become mini-experts on one Supreme Court cases and they will be exposed to the content, themes, and questions from the other three cases via peer to peer instruction of their classmates. The goal of this lesson is to introduce students to a broad range of Supreme Court cases that have impacted American women and to have them develop a working knowledge and expertise of at least one case by using primary sources such as the case ruling and secondary sources that will help students to understand the context.
- National History Day: Patsy Takemoto Mink (1927-2002) was born in Hawaii. She studied in Pennsylvania and Nebraska before moving back to Hawaii to earn her undergraduate degree and eventually received her J.D. from the University of Chicago in 1951. She moved back to Hawaii with her husband, John Francis Mink, and founded the Oahu Young Democrats in 1954. In the 1950s, Mink served as both a member of the territorial house of representatives and Hawaii Senate. After Hawaii achieved statehood in 1959, Mink unsuccessfully ran for the U.S. House of Representatives. Mink campaigned for the second representative seat in 1964 and won, making her the first woman of color and first Asian American woman to be elected to Congress. Mink is best known for her support of President Lyndon B. Johnson’s Great Society legislation, as well as her advocacy for women’s issues and equal rights. Mink worked tirelessly to earn support for the critical Title IX Amendment from her comprehensive education bill called Women’s Education Equity Act. Mink took a break from Congress after an unsuccessful bid for the Senate, but returned to Congress in 1990 and served until her death in September 2002.
- C3 Teachers: This twelfth grade annotated inquiry leads students through an investigation of a hotly debated issue in the United States: the gender wage gap. The compelling question “What should we do about the gender wage gap?” asks students to grapple not only with how to quantify and interpret the gap but also to consider ways of addressing the problem. Throughout the inquiry, students consider the degree to which economic inequality reflects social, political, or economic injustices or whether it simply reflects individual choices and the role the government should play in decreasing income inequality. Although this inquiry is rooted in a question about economics, no social issue is fully understood without examining a range of economic, historical, geographic, and political concepts in order to craft a full-bodied, evidence-based argument. This inquiry looks at the complexity of the gender wage gap issue through all four social studies disciplines. Students examine the structural factors that influence women’s choices as well as historical (e.g., Equal Pay Act of 1963) and pending (e.g., Paycheck Fairness Act) legislative efforts. Ultimately, students must find a way to measure the gender wage gap, determine if it is an issue worth addressing, and, if so, how to best address it, including private and public sector solutions.
Institute for Women's Policy Research
For accurate, well researched information on how women impact and are impacted by policy, the Institute for Women's Policy Research should be a first stop. Their website states:
"We win economic equity for all women and eliminate barriers to their full participation in society. As a leading national think tank, we build evidence to shape policies that grow women’s power and influence, close inequality gaps, and improve the economic well-being of families... The Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that engages in research and dissemination to shape public policy and improve the lives and opportunities of women from diverse backgrounds. As a nonpartisan organization, the independence of our research is essential to maintaining the highest standards of integrity and quality. IWPR seeks to ensure these standards through internal and external peer review processes. In most cases, reports receive one to two external reviews; some shorter products receive external review as well. All publications are reviewed by in-house researchers not involved in their production."
Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers
For women's politics by the numbers and strong data, the Center for American Women and Politics is a go to resource. Their website states:
"The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP), a unit of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, is nationally recognized as the leading source of scholarly research and current data about women’s political participation in the United States. Its mission is to promote greater knowledge and understanding about the role of women in American politics, enhance women's influence in public life, and expand the diversity of women in politics and government.
CAWP’s education and outreach programs translate research findings into action, addressing women’s under-representation in political leadership with effective, intersectional, and imaginative programs serving a variety of audiences. As the world has watched Americans considering female candidates for the nation's highest offices, CAWP’s five decades of analyzing and interpreting women’s participation in American politics have provided a foundation and context for the discussion."
Archives of Women's Political Communication at Iowa State University
For a sea of political speeches delivered by women, look no further than the archives at Iowa State. Their website states:
"The Archives of Women's Political Communication was launched in 2007 by the Carrie Chapman Catt Center for Women and Politics at Iowa State University. The goal of the archives is to showcase and preserve women’s political discourse and promote lifelong learning of women in political leadership throughout the world.
The archives is designed to serve as a resource for faculty teaching courses and conducting research in political science, speech communication, journalism, women's studies, sociology, history and other fields. It also serves as a resource for students and members of the public interested in women's political communication. An internal review board helps oversee and review the collection of speeches."
For accurate, well researched information on how women impact and are impacted by policy, the Institute for Women's Policy Research should be a first stop. Their website states:
"We win economic equity for all women and eliminate barriers to their full participation in society. As a leading national think tank, we build evidence to shape policies that grow women’s power and influence, close inequality gaps, and improve the economic well-being of families... The Institute for Women’s Policy Research (IWPR) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that engages in research and dissemination to shape public policy and improve the lives and opportunities of women from diverse backgrounds. As a nonpartisan organization, the independence of our research is essential to maintaining the highest standards of integrity and quality. IWPR seeks to ensure these standards through internal and external peer review processes. In most cases, reports receive one to two external reviews; some shorter products receive external review as well. All publications are reviewed by in-house researchers not involved in their production."
Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers
For women's politics by the numbers and strong data, the Center for American Women and Politics is a go to resource. Their website states:
"The Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP), a unit of the Eagleton Institute of Politics at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, is nationally recognized as the leading source of scholarly research and current data about women’s political participation in the United States. Its mission is to promote greater knowledge and understanding about the role of women in American politics, enhance women's influence in public life, and expand the diversity of women in politics and government.
CAWP’s education and outreach programs translate research findings into action, addressing women’s under-representation in political leadership with effective, intersectional, and imaginative programs serving a variety of audiences. As the world has watched Americans considering female candidates for the nation's highest offices, CAWP’s five decades of analyzing and interpreting women’s participation in American politics have provided a foundation and context for the discussion."
Archives of Women's Political Communication at Iowa State University
For a sea of political speeches delivered by women, look no further than the archives at Iowa State. Their website states:
"The Archives of Women's Political Communication was launched in 2007 by the Carrie Chapman Catt Center for Women and Politics at Iowa State University. The goal of the archives is to showcase and preserve women’s political discourse and promote lifelong learning of women in political leadership throughout the world.
The archives is designed to serve as a resource for faculty teaching courses and conducting research in political science, speech communication, journalism, women's studies, sociology, history and other fields. It also serves as a resource for students and members of the public interested in women's political communication. An internal review board helps oversee and review the collection of speeches."
Remedial Herstory Editors. "3. RIGHTS AND RESPONSIBILITIES." The Remedial Herstory Project. January 1, 2024. www.remedialherstory.com.
Consulting TeamKelsie Brook Eckert, Project Director
Coordinator of Social Studies Ed. at Plymouth State University Dr. Jason Charette Associate Professor of Practice in Political Science at Plymouth State University Dr. Laura Tilghman Associate Professor and Program Coordinator for Anthropology and Sociology at Plymouth State University |
Nonfiction's on Government
Women and Politics is a comprehensive examination of women's use of politics in pursuit of gender equality. How can demands for gender equality be reconciled with sex differences?
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Caroline Criado Perez investigates this shocking root cause of gender inequality in Invisible Women. Criado Perez unearths a dangerous pattern in data and its consequences on women’s lives.
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Women and Politics in a Global World is the only text that offers a cross-national and comparative examination of the impact of women on politics--and the impact of politics on women.
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Hillary Rodham Clinton reveals what she was thinking and feeling during one of the most controversial and unpredictable presidential elections in history.
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When Women Win delivers stories of some of the toughest political contests of the past three decades, including the historic victory of Barbara Mikulski as the first Democratic woman elected to the Senate in her own right and Elizabeth Warren’s dramatic Senate win. When Women Win is both a page-turning political drama and an important look at the effects of women’s engagement in politics.
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In Women in Politics, author and healthcare leader Mary Chung Hayashi offers a riveting exploration of the strides made by women in government. This essential, contemporary analysis bridges the gap between past and present, blending Mary's personal journey as an Asian American immigrant and former California State Assembly member with the inspiring stories of trailblazing women in political leadership.
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How to teach with Films:
Remember, teachers want the student to be the historian. What do historians do when they watch films?
- Before they watch, ask students to research the director and producers. These are the source of the information. How will their background and experience likely bias this film?
- Also, ask students to consider the context the film was created in. The film may be about history, but it was made recently. What was going on the year the film was made that could bias the film? In particular, how do you think the gains of feminism will impact the portrayal of the female characters?
- As they watch, ask students to research the historical accuracy of the film. What do online sources say about what the film gets right or wrong?
- Afterward, ask students to describe how the female characters were portrayed and what lessons they got from the film.
- Then, ask students to evaluate this film as a learning tool. Was it helpful to better understand this topic? Did the historical inaccuracies make it unhelpful? Make it clear any informed opinion is valid.
Zero Dark Thirty (2012)
A chronicle of the decade-long hunt for al-Qaeda terrorist leader Osama bin Laden after the September 2001 attacks, and his death at the hands of the Navy S.E.A.L.s Team 6 in May 2011. IMDB In Her Hands (2022)
At 26, Zarifa Ghafari became one of Afghanistan's first female mayors and the youngest to ever hold the position. Filmed over two turbulent years, the film documents her personal battle for survival as her country unravels. IMDB |
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Bibliography
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Bezbatchenko, Mary. “Virginia and the Equal Rights Amendment,” 2007. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1747&context=etd.
Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. "The fourth wave of feminism". Encyclopedia Britannica, 7 Sep. 2022. https://www.britannica.com/topic/feminism/The-fourth-wave-of-feminism
Cohen, Alex & Wilfred U. Codrington III. “The Equal Rights Amendment Explained: Thirty-eight states have finally ratified the ERA, but whether its protections for women’s rights are actually added to the Constitution remains an open question.” Brennan Center for Justice. January 23, 2020. https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/equal-rights-amendment-explained?ref=popsugar.com.
Eckholm, Erik, and Alan Blinder. “Federal Transgender Bathroom Access Guidelines Blocked by Judge.” The New York Times. The New York Times, August 22, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/23/us/transgender-bathroom-access-guidelines-blocked-by-judge.html.
Enke, Anne. Review of Troubling Feminism, Troubling Race, by Winifred Breines. Reviews in American History 34, no. 4 (2006): 544–50. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30031518.
Gershon, Livia. “How Now Started Standing up for Lesbians - JSTOR Daily.” How NOW Started Standing Up for Lesbians. JSTOR, March 5, 2021. https://daily.jstor.org/how-now-started-standing-up-for-lesbians/.
Greenhouse, Linda. “Court Opens Path for Student Suits in Sex-Bias Cases.” The New York Times. The New York Times, February 27, 1992. https://www.nytimes.com/1992/02/27/us/court-opens-path-for-student-suits-in-sex-bias-cases.html.
Johnson, Julie. “Washington Talk: Congress; Foes of Civil Rights Bill Mount 11th-Hour Drive.” The New York Times. The New York Times, March 22, 1988. https://www.nytimes.com/1988/03/22/us/washington-talk-congress-foes-of-civil-rights-bill-mount-11th-hour-drive.html?searchResultPosition=7.
Jones, Dustin. “Biden's Title IX Reforms Would Roll Back Trump-Era Rules, Expand Victim Protections.” NPR. NPR, June 23, 2022. https://www.npr.org/2022/06/23/1107045291/title-ix-9-biden-expand-victim-protections-discrimination.
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Levy-Uyeda, Ray. “Yale Rowers Broke Barries Thanks to Title IX.” Global Sport Matters, June 21, 2022. https://globalsportmatters.com/culture/2020/09/24/women-broke-barriers-bodies-title-ix/.
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Magazine, Smithsonian. “The Now Button Takes Us Back When Women's Equality Was a Novelty.” Smithsonian.com. Smithsonian Institution, July 6, 2016. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian-institution/now-button-takes-us-back-when-womens-equality-was-a-novelty-180959683/.
“National Women's Political Caucus History.” National Women's Political Caucus. National Women's Political Caucus. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.nwpc.org/history/.
“Statement of Purpose: National Organization for Women.” National Organization for Women -, March 31, 2017. https://now.org/about/history/statement-of-purpose/.
Quilantan , Bianca. “Devos Unveils Rule That Boosts Rights for Students Accused of Sexual Misconduct.” POLITICO, May 6, 2020. https://www.politico.com/news/2020/05/06/betsy-devos-sexual-misconduct-rule-schools-240131.
Stoll, Ira E. “Ginsburg Blasts Harvard Law.” The Crimson. July 23, 1993. https://www.thecrimson.com/article/1993/7/23/ginsburg-blasts-harvard-law-pin-testimony/.
Tumin, Remy. “Title IX Gave Women Greater Access to Education. Here’s What It Says and Does. The law has grown participation for women and girls in sports and has had other significant ramifications, too.” New York Times. June 22, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/22/sports/what-is-title-ix.html.
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“Women's Rights and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.” National Archives and Records Administration. National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.archives.gov/women/1964-civil-rights-act.
Bezbatchenko, Mary. “Virginia and the Equal Rights Amendment,” 2007. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1747&context=etd.
Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. "The fourth wave of feminism". Encyclopedia Britannica, 7 Sep. 2022. https://www.britannica.com/topic/feminism/The-fourth-wave-of-feminism
Cohen, Alex & Wilfred U. Codrington III. “The Equal Rights Amendment Explained: Thirty-eight states have finally ratified the ERA, but whether its protections for women’s rights are actually added to the Constitution remains an open question.” Brennan Center for Justice. January 23, 2020. https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-reports/equal-rights-amendment-explained?ref=popsugar.com.
Eckholm, Erik, and Alan Blinder. “Federal Transgender Bathroom Access Guidelines Blocked by Judge.” The New York Times. The New York Times, August 22, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/23/us/transgender-bathroom-access-guidelines-blocked-by-judge.html.
Enke, Anne. Review of Troubling Feminism, Troubling Race, by Winifred Breines. Reviews in American History 34, no. 4 (2006): 544–50. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30031518.
Gershon, Livia. “How Now Started Standing up for Lesbians - JSTOR Daily.” How NOW Started Standing Up for Lesbians. JSTOR, March 5, 2021. https://daily.jstor.org/how-now-started-standing-up-for-lesbians/.
Greenhouse, Linda. “Court Opens Path for Student Suits in Sex-Bias Cases.” The New York Times. The New York Times, February 27, 1992. https://www.nytimes.com/1992/02/27/us/court-opens-path-for-student-suits-in-sex-bias-cases.html.
Johnson, Julie. “Washington Talk: Congress; Foes of Civil Rights Bill Mount 11th-Hour Drive.” The New York Times. The New York Times, March 22, 1988. https://www.nytimes.com/1988/03/22/us/washington-talk-congress-foes-of-civil-rights-bill-mount-11th-hour-drive.html?searchResultPosition=7.
Jones, Dustin. “Biden's Title IX Reforms Would Roll Back Trump-Era Rules, Expand Victim Protections.” NPR. NPR, June 23, 2022. https://www.npr.org/2022/06/23/1107045291/title-ix-9-biden-expand-victim-protections-discrimination.
Kennedy, John F. “Executive Order 10980-Establishing the President's Commission on the Status of Women.” The American Presidency Project, December 14, 1961. https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/executive-order-10980-establishing-the-presidents-commission-the-status-women.
Levy-Uyeda, Ray. “Yale Rowers Broke Barries Thanks to Title IX.” Global Sport Matters, June 21, 2022. https://globalsportmatters.com/culture/2020/09/24/women-broke-barriers-bodies-title-ix/.
Library, The New York Public. “1969: The Year of Gay Liberation: Radicalesbians.” NYPL, 1969. Accessed July 20, 2022. http://web-static.nypl.org/exhibitions/1969/radicalesbians.html.
Magazine, Smithsonian. “The Now Button Takes Us Back When Women's Equality Was a Novelty.” Smithsonian.com. Smithsonian Institution, July 6, 2016. https://www.smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian-institution/now-button-takes-us-back-when-womens-equality-was-a-novelty-180959683/.
“National Women's Political Caucus History.” National Women's Political Caucus. National Women's Political Caucus. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.nwpc.org/history/.
“Statement of Purpose: National Organization for Women.” National Organization for Women -, March 31, 2017. https://now.org/about/history/statement-of-purpose/.
Quilantan , Bianca. “Devos Unveils Rule That Boosts Rights for Students Accused of Sexual Misconduct.” POLITICO, May 6, 2020. https://www.politico.com/news/2020/05/06/betsy-devos-sexual-misconduct-rule-schools-240131.
Stoll, Ira E. “Ginsburg Blasts Harvard Law.” The Crimson. July 23, 1993. https://www.thecrimson.com/article/1993/7/23/ginsburg-blasts-harvard-law-pin-testimony/.
Tumin, Remy. “Title IX Gave Women Greater Access to Education. Here’s What It Says and Does. The law has grown participation for women and girls in sports and has had other significant ramifications, too.” New York Times. June 22, 2022. https://www.nytimes.com/2022/06/22/sports/what-is-title-ix.html.
“UNITED STATES PRESIDENT'S COMMISSION ON THE STATUS OF WOMEN RECORDS.” United States President's Commission on the Status of Women Records | JFK Library. JOHN F. KENNEDY PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY AND MUSEUM. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.jfklibrary.org/asset-viewer/archives/USPCSW.
“Women's Rights and the Civil Rights Act of 1964.” National Archives and Records Administration. National Archives and Records Administration. Accessed July 20, 2022. https://www.archives.gov/women/1964-civil-rights-act.